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TO THE WORKING CLASSES.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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My Friends , Now that the differences between me and the National Assembly have been settled by vour wisdom , your prudence , and discretion , I am , if possible , more than ever wedded to vour cause , and more anxious for its tri-Manr who have struggled for the rights of labour until popular strength and confidence made them worth being purchased by your
enemies , have endeavoured to establish your fickleness and instability by the standard of their own treachery , and they have justified their own desertion upon the false plea of vour fickleness . The reeent struggle , however , in which I have leen engaged—and in which you have so heroically backed me—convinces " me , that , thoug h several apostates have been traitors who created popular enthusiasm , for the purple of selling the popular came , proves to n .-3 that the people may be always relied mum .
My dear , my cherished , and only fnendsvon ' . vho live upon labour ;—to you 1 am now Wedded f jv life , and to your cause , and to it alone , I will devote every hour of that life , and its sacrifice , if necessary . Labourers , a new era has dawned upon u-5 ; hut no neve policy shall I adopt . I found yon weak ; 1 have made you strong-. You accepted me as a . free gift , when ' young ; your confidence , your hospitality , and generosity , when exiled for devotion to Ireland , entwines around ttir in my old age , though , perhaps , you will be glad to learn that your manifestations of love have made me voung again .
Labourers though not of your order , I think of von , and only of you ; and I have abandoned the order of ' idiersjto . make . myself serviceable to you : and now hear me . Labourers , labour is the source of all wealth . It is the duty of a Government to cultivate the national resources ; justice demands the equitable distribution of these resources , and reason and nature tells me that the proper following of those maxims would make the rich richer , and the poor rich . Labourers , ajrain . asrain . and again , let me call your undivided attention to the fact , that in no country in the world , from the days of the Gracchi down to the French Revolution , has
the labourer been used for any other purpose , whether moral or ph \ sical , than to make the rich richer and the poor poorer . They are the instruments in the hands of artful and designing rascals , who create enthusiasm by propounding impracticable and fascinating theories , by which they mount to power , and whe-n exalted , they are the first to adopt precautionary measures to strengthen their own hands , and weaken the power of those by whom they have been elevated .
Labourers , I have told vou to watch the proceedings of the French Provisional Government and the National Assembly with a jealous and a scanning eye . My opinions , eatVred from past history , were strengthened by the treachery and treason of the despot of Prussia , who owed his crown to the toleration of Labour . and then marshalled his mercenaries to destroy them . Labourers , for now twelve weeks the la bourers of France have been looking for their share of the revolution , and the shopkeepers constituting the National Guard and the standing army of the Republic , have been used to overawe them . Do not mistake me by supposing that I fraternise in principle with the Communists of Paris , but what I do contend for ,
— firstly— 'That the question of Labour should have constituted the primary duty of the National Assembly . Secondly —That a Minister of Labour , as demanded by the friends of Labour , should have been added to the Cabinet . And thirdly—That the voice of the several sections of industry should hare been sent in a dig-ested form to the representative assembly of the nation .
Here then are faults on both sides . Faults upon the part of those who failed to perform their duty without pressure ; and faults upon the part of those who failed to take the earliest opportunity , after their victory , to " make the legitimate pressure . Labourers of England , I now apply this reasoning , making allowance for the difference of vour position , to your case . The French are
a warlike nation , who struggled with their life ' s blood for Democracy . There are not those many grades of society in France which constitute ' your social system . You are a nation whose enthusiasm can be only roused either by the amount of countenance you receive from those above you , and who wield the power of the law . or by the pungent sting of poverty , destitution , and want .
Labourers , my struggle has been not merely to m ; : ka you a powerful , as you are a valuable class , but to make ysu the ' most powerful , as you are the most valuable ; and now that delusion and deception would once more weaken and destroy you , let me refer to my old policy and its results . Labourers , wh ? n I was in the felon s cell , and when the Free Traders sought to destroy the Chartist movement by leading the world to suppose that' Chartism had merged into Free Trade , and when pompous authority relied upon the policeman ' s truncheon as a subto
stitute for argument , I told you appoint your Local Committees , to agree upon a final policy , to so to their meetings ; to bear if you wereheard ; to strike if you were struck . You adopted this policy , arid , although you were designated as " violent and destructive Chartists / ' yon yet compelled the press of the country to proclaim your strength to the world / and thus did we hold Chartism in the ascendant . Now , again , when every breeze is redolent of the strength , the virtue , and the courage of Chartism , the fl : ig of deception is ones more raised , and we are asked again to rally around it .
Labourers , what principle insures the ascendancy of mind , and for what purpose are public meetings held ? The will of the majority is the ascendancy of public opinion , and public meetings are convened for the purpose of expressing that will ; and , although the world should propound a different policy now in our strength , I will adhere by my motto , my principle , and my honoured and unsullied flag , and , with the ' brave men of Northampton , I will say , " Chartists , come forth in your might your miije- » ty , and your glory , and prove to England and the world that . . Chartism is , and ei-er shall be . in tbe ascendant . "
Labourers , abandon this chance and be for ever fallen , crouch before the resuscitated enemy—only emboldened by your toleration and subserviency—and you sink to rise no more . Upon the other hand , proclaim your principles unsullied , unadulterated , and unmutilated ; holding fast by every bristle of the hog , and tbe devil and all his imps cannot long postpone your triumph . Chartists , awake from your slumber , throw off your apathy , and while I will vote for every modification of the system , enable me to say in ^ my place in Parliament , that there is power behind this little Reform greater than the little Reform itself , and that by that power vp , will stand .
Labourers , do not fee alarmed about me ; do cot seek to make me respectable by the lowering of your flag , or the slightest abandonment of your principles . I have dragged them thiough scoff , scorn , and persecution , and with your support they shall shortly be the adopted and honoured of all ; but you must all put your shoulders to tbe wheel , as without you I am voak and powerless—with you I am strong and inviuciVile .
Labourers , although reviled or unnoticed by the press you find how my views accord with the ri « ing ' « eniiis of other nations . In writing upon the constitution of America I pointed out the disadvantages arising from the mode of electing the President , and I recommended the Ifepu&iicof France to elect an Executive Council of live , ttith . a view to the . destruction of
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that rivalry and jealousy which precedes and follows the election of a President . Fifteen years ago I contended for the addition of a minister of agriculture to the cabinet , as agriculture may be made , " and must be made , the staple manufacture of the country—as the onl free labour market where the real value of labour may be ascertained . Well , see what , has been done in the National Assembly of France ! The most democratic of its members inveighed against the mode of electing a President in America , and they have elected a Council of Five as the National Executive , and , still further , they have demanded that a Minister of Labour shall be added to the Cabinet .
Labourers , if we had a Chartist Parliament to-morrow I would contend for a Minister of Labour—a Minister of Trade—and a Minister uf Agriculture , constituting the chief strength and value of ti > e Cabinet , and I would contend for the appointment of twelve Trade and Labour Commissioners , who should represent every department of trade , elected by trade and labour , divided into twelve sections , and prijdsEiJy ' ciaisified sadertnfrse several "heads , which would ensure the fair and just working of the 'vhole , and those Commissioners should be elected annually by the several sections of industry they represented , but should not hold seats in Parliament .
Labourers , having given you my candid opinion upon those several subjects , I shallnow proceed to a more minute consideration of the policy requisite to be observed in our own movement . I have received numerous letters asking me , if it i * with my own wish that I abandon my office as one of the Executive , and in reply to all , I beg to state that 1 should find it impossible , with my numerous avocations , to discharge the duties appertaining to the office;—uliile , if vou consider that my being a member of that body would give increased confidence to the Chartists , I beg to assure you , tkat those that have your confidence shall have my confidence , and that I shall as scrupulously defend their characters as I would defend
my own character , and that 1 will give them the same aid and support that I have given to those with whom I have so long acted ; that I will allow no jilot or conspiracy that conies to my knowledge to be hatched against them , so long as they faithfully discharge their dufy to you . Labourers , you must support them if you expect their services to be effi .-ient , and their whole time must be devoted to the organisation of tiie industrious mind of the country ; and apart from all other considerations , they must develope the Labour question in so plain and simple a manner as will convince the sons of toil that the realisation of their objects is worth living for , and worth dying for .
Labourers of England , Paris is France , but London is not England ; it is to the provinces that I look—it is to the souls that have been wrung with sorrow—and although I was opposed to a sacred holiday of a month ' s duration in 1 S 39 , when the mind of England is prepared , I shall be prepared to recommend the total cessation of labour for three days , in order to demonstrate the will of the many , in opposition to the despotism of the fevr .
Labourers , believe me that we must have a demonstration of the mind of this country , and that that demonstration must not be confined to the metropolis , but must be stamped with the impressof the National Will ; and shouldiMr Hume ' s motion fail on the 23 rd ( us fail it assuredly will ) , it is my intention to briny ; on my motion for the whole hog , asking the country to back me by abstaining from labour until the result of the debate is made known ; that is , that during the discussion Labour shall have its holiday , which perhaps may lead to its jubilee .
Labourers , I am not one to juggle you , because I am the hardest worker amongst you , and your triumph would proclaim your holiday and my reward ; bst I tell you that you are not to depend upon the House of Commons . I told Mr Hume last week , as I told Mr O'Coniiell in 1843 , that I would believe in the sincerity of no professing Liberal party in that House , who , upon being defeated upon such a
question of Reform as he means to propose , would not instantly cross to the other side of the House , and offer a continuous and systematicopposition to the Government in power . Flis answer was , "Mr O'Connor , we want MEASURES , NOT MEN " ! replied , " That wes the policy of the National Assembly , but to get measures you must destroy the power of men to oppose them . ''
Labourers , you are the source of all wealth ; you feed , you clothe , you warm , and you house every Member in the House of Commons , every Peer in the House of Lords , and the Queen upon the throne ; and if you had the same amount of support in the House of Cosnmonsthat Landlords have—that Placemen and Pensioners have—that Manufacturers havethat Merchants , Trader-, and Bankers
havethat Lawyers have—that Railway Directors have—that Naval and Military Officers havethat Shopkeepers have ; I say . that if you had the power in the House that any one of tho . se idle sections have got , you would have the Charter in a month ; because the friends of the Charter would sit as I do—in opposition to the Government in power , and would watch their opportunity to hurl them from office .
Labourers , I have been very constant and resolute in my opposition to all Governments , and neithe : Government nor faction shall have my suppoit , so lon |[ as your rights are withheld . Labourers , although I ha' e buried in oblivion the acts of some of the members of the late Assembly , jvt in justice t myself , and to you , I feel bound to tell you thai ; a more systematic conspiracy [ was never concocted against mortal man ; and that I have had
forwarded to me some of the original letters of the conspirators , written to their constituents , and perhaps you will scarcely believe that so dark was my revenue , tha ^ I furnished the means to many of those Delegates , nho 5 e constituents repudiated them , to enable them to go home . Now , perhaps , as others haye said aforetime , they will say that my object was to destroy them ; but I can only say , that I hope that all men ' s enemies will meet with the same destruction .
Labourers , amid my many avocations I can steal time from sleep to perform your work , and , without neglecting my building and agricultural operations , the whole of the next number of the " Labourer" shall be devoted to the Labour Question . It shall be written by night , in my " cold quiet home /' and ia it I undertake to expound the whole Labour Question , as it never was expounded before , and to prove to the world that Great Britain is capable of sustaining a population of over 02 s E
HUNDRED AND FIFTY . MILLIONS , not . in abundance , but in luxury ; and if I prove this , and if you do not realise it , do not let rne hear a single moan of complaint , because ,, to bt > convinced of it , and not to seek to accomplish it , will stamp you in my eyes as willing slaves . Labourers of England , have you lea / ned the Labour Question from any plan 1 / atmine ? And yet are there many who are 'dissatisfied with the amount of service I have performed ? Now you , for whom I struggle , af fy . yourselves this simple question— " if one irt every . ten of our own order had worked . \ & our cause , as
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O'Connor has worked , what would be the result ? " Well , if you cannnt answer that question , I will If I had 10 , 000 men of my m ind in England , England and Ireland would be released from despotism in one week . Labourers , so much more of the consp iracy to which I H'as to have been sacrificed has been developed since I last addressed you , that 1 must repeat the feeble thanks which I tendered to your order last week for your protection . It proves to me that a good man stands in no danger from the villain , and that you , the Labourers of England , are worth living for , and worth dying for .
Labourers , glorious Labourers , you who live in the sweat of your own brow , and for whose rights and comforts I have struggled foraquarter ofa century , and for whom I will still struggle , determined to leave the world better than 1 found it . I remain , Tour faithful , unpaid , and unpurchaseable Representative , Friend and Leader , ; , < & , FEiitsnsO'CosjjoK ? ""
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ADDRESS OF THE PROVISIONAL EXECU TIVE TO THE MEMBERS OF THE NA TIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION .
Tbe plan of organisation , as agreed to by your representatives , is now before the country , and we deem it necessary to append a few explanatory remarks thereon . The Executive Committee , as at present constituted , is merely provisional , and subject to your approval or rpjection . We are entrusted with the presentation of the Memorials to her Majesty . Many of the districts have not as yet forwarded-Memorials passed by them on Good Friday , April 21 . We ask such districts to have the Memo rials engrossed and signed by the Chairman of the meetings presiding on the occasion , and to forward them forthwith .
The raising of money m aid of the Liberty Fund is important , and we recommend the district and local councils to issue collecting books , giving the same only to parties well known , and in whom the localities have confidence . All hooks to be signed by the treasurer and secretary of the branch , and no books to be circulated for such pirposes if not signed . You will observe that every precaution has been taken to secure the proper appropriation of the fund collected ; and ai the question of labour is the great question of the day , involving the true interests of all the citizens of the state , we hope for support from the trades , as the welfare of the producing classes is with us a paramount consideration .
There no longer exists a money qualification as the test of admittance , so that the peasant and peer , without distinction of class or wealth , are alike eligible to have their names enrolled on the books ; honesty of purpose and sympathy of will , being the surest guarantees of sterling patriotism . We recommend the continuation of all localities and districts now organised , and it will be our studious endeavour , by means uf tracts , addresses , and tbe exertions of the Commissioners , to spread a knowledge of the People ' s Charter , and establish localities where none
now exist . Democracy in its true spirit is developed in the local government of the Association , localities having power to collect , control , and appropriate funds for local purposes , as they deem fit ; and we ( eel confident that the full acknowledgment of local authority , wii ! exercise a salutary influence over the entire movement , and prove satisfactory to all the members , councils . of districts and localities having full power to act by virtue of their election to office , » . nd iadtpendent of confirmation by the Executive body .
In the present attempt to organise tbe Chartist movement , we are cheered by the hope that at no distant day , we will be successful in gathering the scattered elements of political power into one focua ; and as exactness in the machine is indispensable to perfection and power , we express a wish that the local officers will be strict in their business arrangements , and regular and orderly iu the discharge of their public duties . We beg also to remind them , th-vt we have adopted a conciliatory and manly
policy towards ihe liberal and enlightened of all classes , but we are as resolute as ever against despotism and injustice ; and when our organisation is completed and in efficient acton , we hesitate not to declare thai the united power of the millions will be the conquering ally on the side of right , aad the sure pledge of progression and freedom . Ernest Jones , Johh M'Crak , Samuel Kydd , James Leach , Peter Murray M'Douall
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NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF EXECU
TIVE COMMITTED . The Provisional Executive , in accordance with the decision of the National Assembly , hereby m » ke the following arrangements for the flection of five persons as the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association for the current y «» r : — Nomination -Eiieu locality enrolled under the banner o > " the Association can nominate a candidate or candidates ; such nomination must he sent to the Provisional Executive on or before Monday , May 29 th , after which date no farther nomination can be received .
Election . —The Provisional Executive shall send to tho secretary of each locality , on or before Saturday , June 3 rd , a list of all the candidates , and the places by whom they a « v proposed . The local aecretary HnaH cauro the « ame to be made public to tbe members , and an election by ballot shall taUe place , under the superintendence of » be local r > ffic » ri > , on some day front Thursday , tbe 15-, h . to Sftinday . the 19 . u of June . The number ot votes obtained by each candidate shall be sent to » . he Provisional Executive , duly authenticated by the signature of th « secretary ai \ d chairman , on or before Wednesday , June Sl « t . Thfl Provisional Executive shall then publish a Hit t « f the , same in tb . ^ : fi't * u 5 r ^ r . «^^ . j ^ J 5-o ^ & . ft ; , | l ] 9 PiEM ^ ST ^ VijBtid anrwttfreo-rta' wh'iin'ih ' e eleetionVbasfallen
NOMINATION AND ELECTION OFTWJENTY COMMISSIONERS . NoMtsATiox . —Each locality can nominate one or more persons to serve tbe office of Commissioner , su-. h niimicat'on must bo made at tbe name time , and sent in a similar manner , to the Provisional Executive . Election . —The election of Commissioners shall take place at the same time , and be conduoted in exact !? a similar method , to that of the Executive . OFFICKRS BLECTKD BY TnS NATIONAL ASSEMBLY . Exkcutivb Committee—Ernist Junes , Samuel K'dtl , J . ihn M'Crae , James Leach , Puter Murray M Douall . Trbisuhkr . —John Sowell , Esq ., eleoted for the current year . Tkusteks —John Shaw , Heary Child , Alexander Milne , for the current yenr .
COMMISSIONERS . Votes Votes Ricbard Pillinc ; ... 38 Daniel Donovan ... 26 Thomas M . Wheelrr 37 John West ... 26 James A < Jara 9 ... 35 Jimea Cummiogs ... 25 Henry Rtnkin . .. 33 A . B . Henry ... 25 William B-ook ... 33 David Lightowler ... 25 William Vernon .. 31 Henry Child ... 24 John Shaw ... 30 James Shirron ... 24 Robert Cocbrane ... 29 Jame * Basset ... 24 Matthew Stevenson 29 A ' exmder Sh-. rp ... 24 Andrew Harley ... 23 John Shaw ( Bamsley ) 24 In the event of any vacancy or vacancies occurring in the Provisional Executive , the highest on the above list are to supply their places .
All coraraunic-itiins ti the Provisional Executive to be directed to John M Crae , Literary Institution . J ihn-street , Fitz-ov-= qiiare . Money orders to be made payable to John Sewell . E-q ., at the Post-< ffio- \ High Htreet , Borough , bat directed as above to Jiihn M'Crae . Particular attention is requested to these inatruc tionSt Peter Murbat M'Ddhall , Jamks Lkacti , Ernbst Junks , Samuhl Kydd . John M Crae Sec .
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PLAN OF ORGANISATION TOK THIS NATIONALCHARTERASSOCIATION OSGREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND , ADOPTED BY THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY , MAY , 1818 . TO OBTAIN THE SPliEDY ENACTMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER . I .-CONDITIONS OF MEMBERSHIP . Acquiescing in the objects , and being enrolled in the books of the Association . II -DISTRICT AND LOCAL ORGANISATION . The country to be divided into districts and localities . A district to be formed by tbe union of contiguous localities . A locality te be sub-divided into wards—a ward into classes . A ward to consist of 100 , a class of ten members .
HI—OFFICERS . \ . —An Executive Committee , consisting of five persons , to be elected for the current year , by the members of the Association , in accordance with instructions to be issueil , one month prior to the date of the election , by the Executive Committee then in office . 2 . —Financial Officers . —A treasurer , three trustees , and two auditors , to be elected in accordance with instructions issued by the Executive Committee .
3 . —Commissioners . —Twenty commissioners to be elected at the same time , and in the same manner , as the Executive ; and , in the event of any vacancy or vacancies occurring in the latter body , the commissioner or commissioners , receiving ~ the greatest number of votes , shall fill up the place or places so vacated . 4 . —Local Officers . —Consisting of a council , treasurer , secretary , wardmen , and class leaders , to be elected by the localities . 5 —Dis ' . rict Officers . —To consist of delegates from the localities in the district ; such delegates , at their first meeting , to appoint from their body a treasurer and secretary for the current year .
IV—FUNDS . I . —Association JFimtf . —A " Liberty Fund ' of IO , OCOt to be raised by voluntary sub . scription . 2 . —Local and District Funds . —To be raised and controlled by the localities and districts .
V .-BANK . The N . it ' onal Laid and Libnur Bank . IV—DUTIES OF OFFICERS . 1 . — EXECUTIVE . To superintend the movement , perfect the organisation , and direct its power ; to publish frequent reports of their proceedings , and of the state of the movement ; to issue weekly financial statements , and a quarterl y balance sheet ; to publish tracts and addresses when necessary ; to convene an Assembly of the people ' s representatives in case of emergency , and to appoint a secretary , or secretaries , out of their own body .:
2 . — FINANCIAL OFFICERS , Treasurer . —To keep an account of all monies received on behalf of the Association ; to invest the same in the names of the trustees , retaining a sum not exceeding 100 / ., to meet the current expenditure ; to honour no draft unless previously Kilned by ; three of the Executive , and to withdraw no money from the bank , unless on an order thus signed , and countersigned by the trustees . Trustees , —To invest , in conjunction with the treasurer , the monies of the Association , and to sign no document for the withdrawal of any such monies , unless ^ previously signed by three of the Executive .
Auditors . —To audit the quarterly balance sheets , and report thereon to the members of the Association . 3 .-C 0 UMISSIGNEUS . To carry into practical iteration the instructions of the Executive , and to be under the control of that body .
4 . —Li'CAIi OVI'ICEHS , ¦ » . Council , Treasurer , and Secretary . — The council to keep , through their secretary , a register of the names of tho members in their respective localities }; to furnish a weekly statement of the iner ^ ase or decrease of members to . the district secretary , and to report as to the genial and financial state of their localities . Wardmen . —To have the superintendence . of their respectivejward 1 - " , under the direction I of the local counci . w ^^
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Gltm Leaders . —To make themselves acquainted with the residences of the members composing their respective classes , and to communicate to them the instructions received from t&e wardmen .
5 . —DISTRICT OFFICERS . To keep up an active super > ntendene » over the localities forming their district ; : their secretary to furnish a weekly report to the-Executive , stating the numbers of members in each locality , and the total in each distriot;—likewise the state of trade , the general 1 feeling o * the people , and the movement of all public bodies-Local and district secretaries and treasurers tojfurnish a certification of their election-,, together with their respective residences ^ to- the Executive , and to use , in conjunction ' with the other officers , their best endeavours to carry out the instructions of that body . VIJ .-SALARIES .
Exeoitti / Be >— £ 2 per week ; when travelling , ^ P ^^^ M ^ SS ^^ . 'mMmS ^ Mi frenses . Commissioners : —To be paid , only when employed , at the same rate as the Executive .
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MEMORIAL TO THE QUEEN . Correspondence between the Executive of the National Charter Association , and the Government .
TO THE BIGHT HOS . SIB O . ORE * . SfR . —Memorials to her Majesty having been adopted at ereat public meetings held throughout the United Kingdom , I have been instructed by the memorialist * to enquire when her Majtsty would bo p ' . eased to receive tue deputation entrusted with tbe presentation of thasame . The Lord Chamberlain , to whom I applied on their behalf , having referred me t ) you , 1 now beg to request at jour hands , the desired infermation . I have tho honour to be , air , Your obedient servant , Literary Institution , Ebnest Jones . John-street , fnttenham-courk-road , May 12 th , 1848 . Whitehall . May 13 h . 1848 .
Sir . —I am direofced by S . 'crrary , Sir George Grey , to acknowledge thereceiptrf youi letter of the 12 tb , on the BUbject of the pr sentation of an Address to : he Queen , and I am to inform you that , according to e 3 tablished practice , memorials or addresses to hey Majesty should be transmitted to the Secretary of State for the Home Deoartraent , in order to be laid before her Majesty . I am , air , Your obedient servant , Ernest Jonee , E-q . W . Brand . Literary Institution , John street , Tottenham-court-road .
TD SIR O . ORET . Sir , —We aro in receipt of your communication of tho 13-h iDst ., informing us ' that according to established practices memorials or addrea es to her Majesty should bo transmitted to the Secretary of State for the llume Department , in order to be laid before her Majesty . We are glad to rind that there ib no law to prevent her Majesty receiviug in person the memorial of her faithful subjects and especially thore from the working o ' bww , for whoae sufferings her Majesty in the speeoh from the throne , expressed tholivelioafc sympathy , but towards whom she has unhappily been led 'o look with apprehension , if not ahrm .
We are fully aw . ire that her Majesty would at oace parmit a more establiihed practice ! o be laid n * ide , if it was made known to her that a very considerable portion of her subjeots were extremely d -airr . us of laying their memorial for the redress of grievances , at the foot of the throne ; We feel assured you will coincide with our views , when we houestly inform > ou , that in one portion of the Memorial wo pray her Majesty to dismiss her present ministers *} In conclusion , we may state , that in the event of her Majesty being advised to receive the memorial in person , ( for which we could adduce preced ? n's ) , we&h&il willingly comply with any eatab'iahed practice or etiq'tttte . P . M . M'Douall , Sau . Kydd , Johh M'Oiue , Erhbci Jonks . Jaues Leach . Whitehall , May 16 th , 1813 .
Sir , —I am directed by Secretary Sir George Grey to acknowledge tho receipt of the iotttr of the 15 ih instant , addressed to him by you and throe other ffpntlemen , and I am to inform yon . in reply , t !» . at there do ? s not appear to him to 1 ) 8 any sufficient ground for d 'parting , in the present case , from the established pisotice , as to the presentation of memorialj or addressea to Her Majesty . I am to add , that th- ' tact of tho memorial , which it ia your desire Bhould be presented to h < r Majc .-ty , praying for tho disniisral of her present Ministers , does not create the slightest obstacle to their being prebented in the usual wanner . I am , sir , your obedient servant , G . Cob . nwall Lima . Ernest Jones , E « q ., Literary Institute , John-street , Tottenham' court-road ,
Tl THE BIGHT HON . SIR OK 0 RGX ORET . Sir , —In reply to your letter ot the l ( $ ; h instant , in which it is stated ' That there does not appear to bo any sufficient ground for departing , in the pre-ent oase . from the established practice as to th « presents Cioa of memorials oraddr 683 M to her Majesty , ' we bei to point your attention to the misapprehension under which her Majesty laboured , owing t ) the false statements of her advisors , a _ s to tbe inteutioua of her subjects , so much so that , immediately before the lOch ot April last , shu was induced to suddenly leave the palace for tha la e of Wight .
We think a fooling of mutual confidence should exist between the sovere i gn and the people . Such a fee . log cannot bs fostered by estrangement and ex clusivenesa—by throwing the petty bari'ie * of ' eata Wished practice' between tho starving millions aad tho Throne , to which they look for redress , seeing that b ; ith Piirliamtnt and Miaisters hive treated the People's Petitions with neg ' tct . We wish to reassure her Majesty as to tho intentions r . > fibo pjople toward * tbo Throne . Wo beg further to state , that there is no law on the Statute Bo-ik prerenting her Majesty from giving audience to a depuUiion of hersubjocU ; aad we rcpeBt you to present these remarkB for her Majesty ' s consideration—favouring us with a speedy and definite reply , so that we may submit it without loss of time to the people . We have the hmour toba . sir , Your obedient ^ ervaats , Ernest Jonks , P . M . M'D uall ,
Jt > Hs M'Chas , Jambs Leach Samuhl Kids , Literary Iastitutian , John-wtreet , Tottenham-court-road , 17 &h May , 1818 .
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TO THE MEN OF HALIFAX . Lokdon , Monday , May 15 , 1848 , Fellow-Cowstbymbn , — Having besn honoured with thu representation of your district in the late Convention and in the National Assembly , I consider it ray duty to address you on thi > present noaitioL of our movement . You will recollect that in the Convention certain dolegafed opposed our proceedings on the ground that our numb *** were too Limited fairly to represent tho oountry * I was in favour of 8 he Convention continuing its sessions , aa I cen ^ dured th . t , in critical time * like the present , a legislative body , swwr / J in numb- - * , was best calculated to get on with busi nes-s , and avoid mere taikinz and digcusaion .
Finding , however , that a majority would be in favouifot" bieakia * up tha Convention , I was npj . rethat the calling together of a larger birjy would be a matter of dubious occurrence , unless the Convention declared itsult" permanent until tho meeting of the latter . 1 therefore supported the permanence of the Conventi n until the meeting ef au Assembly of one hundred delegates . I wi'S the mcrd impmsfd with the necessity for the iormationof on organised body of our representatives , by seeing that a Reform- League was being established in the House of Commov . s . We foresaw that the entire middle class would support this party—aud th : A the ministry would have to ji Id—but we alto saw that this was the crisis for our movement , and that oa our present proceedings depended , whether the middle diS 3 ( 8 or the working olaases wtre to be tho ruling power of the age .
.. . . If we confined oursslTes to our ordinary mode of agitation , the resutt would be that we should only 8 t . rengtb . en the hands of the midJle-cluss Reform-League ; if , on tho coutrary , we «» u « 4 together ft
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N * tional Assembly , that My would , in itself . h \ rn « - counterbalancing wei-jDi and power ; at . nco uUiis the notice of the Press ; tbe attention of Government ; and by means of the memorial , and other , ad ventjtioua aido , cream &n UDparallebd excitement throughout tho onun ry , —an excitement which nothing but weft a body would be i nablei . to ' . Control and oivaiii « tj , witn aarety to the principles of Cnarfcium and Democracy .
In th «( disorganised sfa ' e of all other parties , com ' bined with tbe pecuniary difficulties of the eov *' rnment , suoh a course mu-it inevitably hav- » p aoed tht Chartiat body in tbe front rank of the ltef > rm-Move « ment—must inevitably have made the Citar er , ' whole and e tire , ' the leading principle of the day , —which is abundantly proved by the fact , that even ' after the untoward circumstances connected with tha Jute Assembly , the -aiidiile class have at Jat > t r . 'co , ? - nised our power , and one of their principal journals aayB ; — 1 Ifthe Chartists will but abandon , for a season , their own agitation , and join heart and soul in thay great middle-cluBs movement , we confidently pi edict the almost irarnodwtw triumph of that movement . ' * 'The holding of simultaneous . Chartist meeting *) in all large town * f . r tbis npecial purpose , would insure the immediate triumph of tht ; cause , for which the Reform-League is now in thecjurae of organisation . ' ^
Thus , disorganiBsd . divided , as they suppose hs t » be , the middle class confess that we hold in our hands the power of insuring ' the immediate triumph * of tbeir cxme . By a just ana . cgy we could prevent that' immediate triumph . ' We thuflRti 1 hu ! d < a lecondary pow > T . But , I aats you , had an Assembly of 100 heea sitting , well supported by the puptrfor ftelin?—i , 'ath . 6 ri ( itf toe great masses under it « control—guiding , directing ^ organ * icing thsir power—paralysing the goverriraeutcrippling the revenue by oue general bh > 3 s nV agitation—what party , what force , what if . flueoce , is there in England ,. » K * t could have « -ff ,-ctrv 6 ly resisted our movement , cr have prevented oat
^^^«*« % H ^^! niTtti 6 ? bVerYim * nt'Si ( tbtin » terfere with the AwEably , I a * k . did it interfere with , the ^ Conveatioo . whose numbers excelled for'y-nin " , arid whooe Isq ^ dskc could Boarcely have been mors hostile ? Did it interfere with the Assembly , whn »<) numbers exceeded sisiy ? A'id why did it not ? Because it dared not . Becaune it knew rbat an acB of ugures ^ ion on i / spart . would plac ? the finixhing g fcone to the fabric of revolution . Because , revering the fable of theancien's , which pr-misfd rh .-it b < % who struck tbo first blow , » hou ! d be the winner , < ur givernraent knew that he , who struck tho brit blow , wjuld be the loser .
Sixty-two delegates ) , indifferently Purported by tha people , hafeflatf . ir ft fortnight ami not heen infer * fered with Out hundred , backed by the people , would have seen less danger still ot g'Veruruent inW ferpnea . Itisnoafgamenf . 'osiy that , th » ir p . iwer beiDg weakened , being ditideH araon ;; thetn-elvti » the government did not think th m worth m -le-tini ? . They , at lesstt , thought them worth watching continuously by two special reporters— -and it is v « iH to deny that they are aware of t \ x < " p iwer , and . that an interference with the Assembly , notwithstanding partial diff-rcnceB , would h&ve been a dictaratioa of nnr DgaiDst tl . e pooyU .
But the legitimate display of our powor has been prevented—tbe great plan taen frustrated by uiifure * ne » n circumstances , for which , 1 verily belie-e , n- ^ ne aro to blame , but which are attributable to mutual misuDiiers ' anfiinHBaud irritation , Too much wei . hc has been attached to hasty words and uioividuit opinions on either side . Thisha « papgo , ! . The division is apain being healed But the greit moral influence of an Aa 8 emb ! y of 180 , h » c \ e < i i-y enthnsiaotid millions , has been prevented . Instead of being ia the field simultaneously with the middle cl » g * mive * ment , we have been thrown bach -the midrilo class have been al owed to gain trie si . art of us . Wo aro iu a secondary position , whereas vre ought to , and might have been , in a primary imp . But weare not yet bbflled . We may still , by redoub ed efforts , make up tor the 1 < st time and regain the vantage ground .
Do not let the middlo class carry their movement until we aro sufficiently organised t- > t ;> ke the l ^ ad with ours . Look ou with calm ind fference , while they a « sUt in sapping the foundat ' on < of Whim-erf —for , mark m » , it is only IVhiyaery and not mor . opoly , they are uoderminine- They , n > f you . win b * better < ff for the change . What rnakeR Memstromer , makes you weaker—for our strength m t ^ s moment cwusidt 1 ) in being the balance of power between the lan-U-d' and the ' monied' clas « e « . Wh-n the latter have subverted the 'landed inter . st , ' they will , themetlves , re-motiepolise the land . Ti : ej will
throw a tr ^ at portion of taxation off their own shmi ! - ders . They t ») I 1 tbn * increa'e th .-ir pVontR . But slow ma one measure they have propom ried which will really benefit the working claBEes . Tht-ir extension of tbe nuff : aee' nay be a second edition of tbe Reform Bill ( soine « lut altered and a d apted tothe year ' 43)—whilo tbe increased control of landed and monied capital will go far to couiitorbalanpo au 'extomied' franchise . Again , how often dop » abi ! l not c > mo out of the crucible <> f Parliament , so altered from what it was when first introduced , that its own father wou'd not recognise his i fT-i-rins .
But without us , they , coni'ea-edlj , anrr > i csrry their movement . Let them uait , ihen . til ! we ar& ready—till we are fully otgamsed . Thin last interval—thia hat reprieve—i * yet given ; let us employ it well ; and then the ' Reft . rm League' will sue no aliornative lift but to join us in proclaiming tba > Charter , or stand their chance with the wreck of monopoly . To profit by this interval—to carry into effect that organisation , without which the movement caonot snc .-eel , the Assembly has dissolved—Bince such a . body Rhould have the undivided » upr > "rt of the people . It has dissolved , to heal the Ireaeh ia democracy . I trust another and a larger bod / will .
ere lone , be called , to itorm the breach uf monopoly . On ) word as to tbe violent laHauaire which has been reprehended as being used in the 1 ite Convention , I aee in it but tho manly indignation nr ' alongoppresBed people . Such is the a ^ palline misery ( , f the country , that I almost nonder not to Wave heard » til _ l stronger language . Milder v oals would bave belied the feelings of tMat Convention , and I . tunour tbe delegates for having penned ! o plaj the hypocrite . _ Such is the language of revolution , sin'i in the midst of revolution we nsw live . We . cannos expect to hrar the tinkling ofa guitar from among the thunder-clrmdn .
It has been said , the Btron ? lanjuatre nseri caused j-ovtrnm nt to nrobibit ihe meeting and procesw « 'n on the 10 th of April last , and ta display its armed brutality . Were thoeno other reason , this would beasufficient one ia vindication ofevoiy threatening word . Thrs * threats , then , draped ths cloven . hoi > f from und «» r the Whig petticoat Those threats , then , forced tho government to show its frue ' eoiour —placed it in a false position—and uff > rdei tha Chartists the opportunity of displaying utonco their courage , their love of peace and order , and their sel ! - oomm ? iD .
Let us still exercise these qualities . We have got an immediate task bef > ro us—that of organisation . While the scattered elements of class legislation are > becoming daily more disorganised—our duty will be to centrali .-e our strength—keeping ourselves distinctly and entirely alcof from every politic » 1 movement short of the Charter . Let the oppressed of all classes thus see that they can carry i . othing without our aid . We shall thus gain greater weight than by strengthening the hands of individual parties oa sectio nal questions , aad thus , an th : various factions are falling away around us , wa may bo se <> ri rising in unentailed and undivided strength . We muti sanotion no rh t :. us proceeding , participate in ro » titbroak , but , go on , ENROLLING and PKEPaUING—he'pinj ? up , however , a continuous CfuitTisr agitation throughout tho country , so tha . ttia government may know no rest—faction may have no pause in whioh to recover from i'a panic—and the Whig exchequer be emptied by ' precautionary '
measures . ' Then , with a million of men , enrolled and weu , PRnPAREB-atid those phalanxes of men thoroughly organised in district ? , localities , wards , and elateswith £ 10 , 000 in the Chartist treasury—with diwnteot amongst tbe middle cla ? s—and Repeal availing the stronghold of corruption in Irelund—then th 8 great , the long expeetid hour will have arrived—then the people '* representatives nriy be summoned onca m 9 re- » Wt' « they may meet , not ; to deliberaio o > i now to gain the Charter , but for the purpose of ptoe'a r ait at once .
How near , or how distant this period may be . depend ) on the people ; and to you , ob a portion ot ; ba people , 1 appeal . Working men ! if you suffer misery , aud are tired of it—units , to des'roy its' source . Shopkeepers ! if you suffer trom depressed trade , if you aro ground down by tasce and f , o <> r rate?—help the peop'e * o their own , and you will create home trade , at > oli 8 h pauperiMn , and " diminish taxation , by establishing obeap government . To the work , then ! Tho elements of success are around us : the raw mati rial is th « ro ;
the great mass of bjne , aud musclu , and ofn-jw —Of thuugbt , experience , and will : —it me . el / want ? ' wcrkinic up into a political colossus , tu » 6 shall stalk over tho miserable pigmies ot Wins liuality . unri middle-class Rclorra . # Fellow countr > men—in tho hope that past divisions may be as bnacous keeping us on the path of union and democracy , I rtinaia , jours , for the Ctmter , Kknk-t Jones .
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Maxcukster . -TIio quarterly meetuu of tha Bharelioderijot Mo People's InaiUute will be held in the largo ballot' tht- A « oi-iation , on Sunuay , { u > - niorro *) at ualf-pist two in tho afte nuun , to reiuivd the report ol tho deputation nppuinttd ai the laut meeting . Tl > e accounts will be laid before them . Wkstuisstek—Tlie weekly discussion « : li to held on Saturday cvtning , May 20 ; h , at tho Clnrtor Coffee House , Stiutton Ground , Weslmin ter . Subject : — ' What Right bave the Aristocraoy to the Soil V To commence et half-pa ^ t eight 0 , 'qlwls ptecUely .
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/// ^ M ' ^/ ti ^ u / < l & ' = C&iy ^ J ^ & ^< X «« s - * l ^ w
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To The Working Classes.
TO THE WORKING CLASSES .
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TO JOHN MITCHEL , EDITOR OF THE «« UNITED IRISHMAN . " My Dear Mitch el , —When I think of you , of your heroic mother , of your devoted wife , and your five babes—when I think of Ireland , and the blood that the assassins have shed in that green and lovely land , my mind roves back to days of yore when patriotism was virtue , and treason against Ireland was a
crime . Mitchel , the law calls you a felon , and you are confined in yoar dungeon , but fear not . Mitchel , I rejoiced in the triumph of O'Brien and M gher , and I saiil to myself , — " Alas ! BRAVE cuntry , Almost PREPARED to know itself . " But , when I heard not your name mentioned in the exultation of the liberated , I covered my face with shame , and I said , " Can it be that the first victim under the Whig Treason Act against Ireland , is forgotten in his captivity ?"
Mitchel , not a member of your own family feeHmore deeply for you than I do : it is taut maudling sympathy , it is the pungency of vengeance , that a Saxon despot should hold an Irish lion in bondage . I was glad to find that one brave voice in the exulting crowd asked after Mitchel , and believe me that that voice will be responded to throughout the length and breadth of the land . Mitchel , as I told the tyrants when discussing this Bill , they can pack their jury , and may secure their verdict , but still I have hope .
Oh ! that I could write as I feel—and that those for whom I labour could spare me ; but , alas ! the law of the oppressor is , for yet a littlf , too strong for the aspirations of the oppressed—that is , for aspirations openly and advisedly poured forth ; but , Mitchel , if you are convicted by the Whig Treason Act , my head shall feel no pillow until your manacles are struck off . I can tolerate petty acts of tyranny , and I can bear the lion ' s share of oppression , when I know that the giant can return refreshed to his work ; but life would be a burden if 1 withheld my assistance from a devoted countryman in the hour of danger .
Mitchel , if you are convicted , I will traverse the land by night and by day , before your honoured mother , your devoted wife , and orphan babes , shall mourn for your expatriation ; and let not any man in Ireland suppose that he has gained a triumph in the acquittal of O'Brien and Meaglier , if Mitchel is victimised . Again assuring you of my devotion to the cause you espouse , I remain , Your faithful friend and countryman , Feargus O'Connor .
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A Piratic Mektino will be held aft the Glob 3 and Friends , Morgan-street , Commercial-road , on Sunday evening . May 2 lat , to taks into consideration the most efSdeat means of aspiatinx tfie Provisional Esecacive Committee * Chair taken at half-pant a&mtilel&k-
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .
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VOL ^ XI . ^ 553 LONDON . SATPRDAY , MAI 20 , 1848 . rm " j ^ JSS ^ U
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 20, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1471/page/1/
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