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TO TI1E YOTJNG CHARTISTS
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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You Land lufes ; I see , aB of yore , you iamk that one manor a few menare to do your * ft ;^ ° ? talklike heroes , like patriots , and J ? depug ^ butyou rest on your oars when there is . a ripple upon the -waters . I do not address this to the Old Guards , for they are ! sterling njen , and . only want the stuff , but I ad- ' T it 7 ? 7 ho oilght to give life , spunk , and vitality to the glorious caSse of faffi you s ^ endyoui- day- in the rattle box , andyour jnght in the gin palace or the beer-shop , while J ? IT ™ 2 " * ^ orM have less labour to perform , and more health y luxuries to
par-I have made many appeals to you to rouse from your lethargy , but in vain . I now tell you that we have established a Committee in London as abasis of a new movement andif fan-andlegitnnate invitation cannotinduceyou to throw off your manacles and your shackles , I we wul estabhsh such a system of discipline as wdlmakeevery man do his duty-as that Committee has now decided upon a plan of organisation , by which Britons shall be no longer slaves , and which shall be published in next week ' s Star and by which I and others will be relieved from thatcensure h eaped upon us by the apathy of your order . . I
Now then youngsters , "Awake , arise , or be for ever fcflen ! " Freedom is within your grasp , andif you lose it , it shall not be my iault I have aroused from that lethargy to which your apath y reduce d me ; but , as I said at Aberdeen , so I say now ,
:. 'L . Awaythou babbling dreams , Feargus is himself again , and resolved to die or conquer . Tour faithful friend , ! And determined supporter of your cause , : Feahgus O'Connor .
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"UNION IS STRENGTH . " TO THE WORKING CLASSES . My Feiexds , " To be forewarned is to be forearmed , " and if you are not forearmed for that gigantic struggle which is now near at hand between active capital and dependent labour , it is not for want of forewarning . I have frequently told you that the
Government of this country is much more influenced by foreign than domestic policy , and , without vanity , I may recall your attention to my several predictions respecting the result of the recent French Revolution . I told you immediately after the election of the special constable President , that the Monarchists of France would cunningly uphold his power until they were in a position to destroy the influence that created it , as their ultimate and darling object would be to restore the monarchy .
Oh ! ^ how ferociousl y some of my Red Republican friends denounced me in the hour of their enthusiasm , for describing the difference between Republicanism as applicable to a eountry where monarchy never existed , as compared with its substitution for monarchy . In the one case Government is based upon the legitimate principles of Republicanism—which , in its true acceptation , is the wisest , most just , and
paternal system , cheerfully supported by all , becauseprotective of all ; while , in the other case , it supplants a system to which , from its injustice and partiality , the rich , the favoured , and the powerful , are wedded ; and however their power may be subdued for a time , they watch their opportunity , take their advantage of popular disappointment , and are sure to reestablish the Totten monarchy upon the basis of Republicanism , as denned and carried out by those whom it invests with power .
! Now such is precisely the present position of France . They have used the Special Consiable for the purpose of developing the description of Republicanism created in France ; the French people abhor the system ^ atod the French Monarchists-will use the disappointed people to re-establish monarchy . The President meanwhile is catering , not for popular , but for military support . The populace , are , thousands of them , naked , hungry , and cheerless , -while the President is expending their money upon luxuries for his soldiers . He billets them , as I have recently told you , every night a portion of them , upon every theatre in Paris ; and he has recently furnished them with thirty thousand good beds , to increase their comfort at the expense of the
poor . If you analyse the constitution of the present National Assembly , elected by Universal Suffrage , and read the ferocious speeches most enthusiastically cheered by the Monarchistsif you read an account of the trials of those now called " political offenders , " but who were formerly denominated the " saviours of their country , "—if you read the horrid tyranny to
which any newspaper is subjected that dares to criticise the most tyrannical act of men in power—and when you understand the fact , that the very circumstance which led to the dethronement of Louis Philippe , and the establishment of the Republic , was the suppression of one public meeting—nay , a mere banquet—and that now no public meeting is allowed to exist , you will be able to distinguish between MEN SEEKING POWER , AND
¦ MEN EXERCISING POWER , When you reflect that the leading men in the National Assembly—Imeantbercactionary Monarchists ¦ —vrere one and all leading members of clubs , ( and that no club is now allowed to exist , ) you will be able to form some estimate of the liberty and privilege allowed to the working classes , when they are sought to be enlisted as champions of freedom , and the . amount of liberty they achieve , when then : bravery and devotion has gained the ascendancy for others . You must , however , always bear in mind that the present Assembly has not , in reality , been elected by unfettered "Universal
Suffrage—that the French were not so well prepared to exercise it as you would be ; and you may rest assnred that before another General Election takes place , the Constitution , as regards the suffrage , will be altered—that is , I mean the attempt will be made ; while you will assuredly—and that ere long—see another revolution in France , and the result of which I trust , will be the establishment of such a re public as the combined force of the Monarchists , the Lamartines , the Odillon Barrotsthe cunning caterers for patronage , and the destroyers of the Roman Republic—will be unable to destroy .
Now , working men , I am perfectly aware that the complication of our system leads to the disunion of your order , and that the want of union of your order leads to the complication of the system ; and , therefore , I feel it to be no difficult task so to organise and unite the labouring mind of this country as to save it from the misfortunes that the want of union has created in other countries . The state of France , then , will constitute one of England ' s greatest difficulties , while tlic present state of Ireland will constitute her verv greatest ; and here let me point out the result , of disunion and want of co-operation in
that country . Now , Englishmen , although you have been taught to think slightingly of the Irish people , let me assure you that Irish misery increases English distress . In Ireland there is no respect for English law , because it is administered 1 ) V those whose power and patronage are based upon the serfdom , the servility , and the credulity of the people . At the present moment there is an agrarian warfare in L-eland . The tenants who have expended their capital and tlieir labour in the payment of rack rents , tithe 3 , poor rates , and other charges , are now trying to rescue as much from the grasp of the landlord as Anil secure for them a home in a
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ddhotV 7 : h 6 ShaVe bat the alternative of ? 3 f ?¦? ^ Nation . The landlords who have received all the produce , aU the labour and industry of the cultivator-T ™ * v ^ atOr has merely esisted-are sympathised with by all , and an extraordinary military and police force , sustained by a S upon your industry , is at their command . Let me now , however , developethe effect of Irish hostility to English law . fVflfir nnnnfrtr + ! , „_ i _ _ . . . ., _
The labourers are the parties upon whom the farmers rely for cutting and carrying off then- crops to evade distress ; while those verv labourers are themselves the greatest sufferers from the system—because , when the Land is deserted they become paupers ; but they do it from hatred to a system which oppresses them , although the act entails greater misery . I have more than once stated in the House of Commons , and I now repeat it : " Show me a tyrant in broad-cloth , and I will show
you twenty in frieze . " There are not greater tyrants in the world than the Irish fanners are to Irish labourers . The bargain that . au Irish famer ^ njakes with-a labourer is n » t for money wages , ' but for what they caU ~~" ri | lits . " They get a hovel ; the grass of so many sheep —upon a bare "night-park "—with all four legs tied together , and the privilege of drawing so much peat into then * yard to make manure for potatoes , and they never receive one farthing of money . The farmer is bound to
keep the house thatched , to keep the rain out ; but I have attended scores of trials upon summonses brought by the labourer to compel the farmer to perform bis contract ; and although it has been proved that the rain has been coming through the roof upon the bed of the peasant during the depth of the winter , the landlord—who has been upon the bench , at the request of the tenant—has stated that the labourer is aWHITEBOY and REFRACTORY FELLOW , and the case has been dismissed with costs .
Let me now show you how Ireland will , in truth , be England ' s greatest difficulty . The Protestant Members of Parliament who have sons , or fathers , or brothers in the Church , the Army , or the Navy , will resist any reduction in those establishments ; and will bo joined by the English Protectionists ; while the Irish Repealers and Liberals—the greatest lickspittles that ever disgraced an assembly—will support the Government , not because their
measures are just or sound , but to establish popularity upon opposition to the Church party . Now , if France should be once more placed in an unsettled position , threatening danger tothis country ; and , if the Agrarian disturbances should continue in Ireland , any Government may be able to retain office and uphold taxation , upon the fears of those who would be otherwise then * bitterest political opponents , and the people themselves will be the greatest sufferers from their own apath ynay , treason . :
I would not give you three straws for what may result from any agitation , if the people themselves did not take a | prominent partupon the platform , and develope their own principles , without offering opposition to the present movement . The week before last I showed the indispensable necessity of the leading Chartists taking part at all those meetings , and the result has been , that at Aberdeen , Stockport ,
and Southampton the practice , has been observed . But see the result , as far as the publication of working-class sentiments is concerned . The Stockport meeting is given in five columns , each speaker belonging to the middle classes being reported at from a column to two columns length ; while JAMES LEACH and Johx Hamer , who , doubtless , made the speeches of the night , are thus disposed of : —
AFTER A FEW WORDS FROM MR . JOIIN HAMER AND MR , LEACH , A TOTE OF TIIANKS WAS GIVEN TO THE CHAIRMAN , AND THE MEETING SEPARATED AT ELEVEN O ' CLOCK . Then , at Southampton , the speech of Mr . J . Sausders , a most intelligent and eloquent man , is thus disposed of : — Mr . J . Saunders ( a worKng man , one of the Chartist leaders ) , who expressed on behalf of the working men , with whom he was connected , their gratitude for the cordiality that had been extended towards the working classes , and the manly and noble warmer in wh'cli tlie deputation had advocated their interests . On behalf of those working men lie tendered his hand to Sir Joshua Walmslev .
Jvow , what think you of such even-handed justice as this ? and let me once more ask you , if you will submit to the ocean flowing into the stream , instead of the stream flowing into the ocean ? It is my intention to attend the Brighton meeting on Monday next , and I trust that a working-class committee will be appointed to confer with the committee of the Reform Association—while I feel assured that no working man will ofier any resistance , or throw the slightest impediment in the way of the present movement ; WHILE WE MUST , AND
WE WILL , MAINTAIN AND DEVELOPE OUR POWER . My friends , you are not aware of the coming convulsion . It is all very well for Free Traders , Political Economists , and Newspaper Scribblers to attempt to base agricultural prosperity upon the average prices of corn for a certain number of years , during protection , and to show that it is not at a lower standard now under Free Trade ; while the farmer will not measure prices by any average of past years , but by anticipation of future diminution ; and as self-interest is the basis of human
action , although they were convinced to a man , that Free Trade would not ultimately injure them , "THE CRY" would spur them onto demand a reduction of rent—would induce them to withhold capital , to reduce wages , and be poorer customers in the manufacturing market . However , you may rely upon it , that the threatening state of France , the naturally discontented state of Rome—not to talk of Austria and Hungary—the revolutionised state of Ireland , the combustible state of our colonies , and the gloomy aspect of
the English fanner , will give rise to a conglomeration of Ministerial difficulties , from the solution and adjustment of which your order , if united , will be able to extract its fair , and not its sham , share of justice . And if you are not united—if the man who earns los . a-week is satisfied and despises the co-operation of him earning but 10 s ., and if Ministerial tyranny is to be based upon your jealousies and want of union—my fervent prayer is , that you will get such a squeeze as will open your eyes to your own degradation , exclusively based upon your own subserviency and
disunion . Lei me show you tbe manner in which English law is administered in Ireland , and then you will understand the cause of Irish repugnance to that law . Read the following , it is extracted from the " Times" of Thursday : — TVe have received the particulars of a most melancholy event , which took place on "Wednesday last , at Kiiockabranna , adjoining Goolcullen , and in the part of the county of Carlow there adjoining this county . A poor-rate collector , named Mark Scanlan , from the Carkw Union , accompanied by a bailiff named Patrick Lynch , and other assistants , William Scanlan Ibrother to the collector , and a relieving-officer ) , James Patterson , William Radwill , and—— Seill . went to the house of a fanner , named
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John Comerford , for a poor-rate demand , amountiiieto ^ fi " i ^ " ! erf ( £ d had n <> t " » the hous e more than £ 2 In cash , which he offered to the collector , and also two heifers as a pledge for the balance , 35 s ., until the nextX Mien lewould sell some butter which he had , and then he e " - lubited eight firkins . He would have offer " dI them for sale SSjhpT - ; e « as waiting for a rise in the market , and then he would pay his rent and poor-rate together Sc-inlan refused the offer , and said he wVuld take two of Oman ' s S t « ° ?? v " , " ^ andUer « ster , seSdL posed to resist tins ; and they , went out to the farmyard with hun , begging ofhim to take the tiro heifers' ancl the £ 2 , and leave the cows . He still refused ana proceeded to * M ? r ? ? £ - We karnth ? t Comerford then took up a fork for the nurnose « fm » l !™ « , «
lowedOT ^ r ?* - * * «*«™ 3 ta * to £ M-* te fc £ 2 Em ? T f ™*™ 5 " 1 * " ** Comerford to lay down mrth 3 hV m * f himself raised and held menacingly tot m w « mnn I " ' ? - ^ S ensued , during which the woman , who was man advanced state of pregnancy , and the fellow hither across the . back , knocking he * down Sr SR * « Xt came up t 0 flie ^ cb t 0 ass ^ «» **> lector , and , in the course of more wrangling , he struck the poor woman with . an « alpeen"on the head and shTagain feU ; aad immediatel y her husband fell . too .: The cattle were then removed to old Lcighlin nound .. The worn . ™ war aoie to
walk acrossa field towards her house , when shefell down and soon expired , before her children and husband . He was uot much injured . Scanlau at once absconded , but Mrncn lies in Carlonr Gaol . Ah inquest was held upon the body of the deceased , and a verdict of " Wilful Murder " returned . ¦ ' . . ¦ . . Now . if the death of the most tyrannical landlord , or of the most cruel and brutal bailifr had resulted from the dispute , we should have had article upon article reprobating the brutal ferocity of the Irish people ; but here we have a mother of a family in the family-way , the mother of five children , brutally butchered bv
a poor-law collector , who refused to take £ 2 in cash , and two heifers in pledge for 33 s . —( which should be paid next day)—until he sold his butter , but which the butcher refused ; and the poor mother , in endeavouring to save the milch cows—in order that her little children might not be deprived of milk , was brutally assassinated by this savage , and you will not hear more than the mere legal quibbles about
the matter . Now some of my readers may say that it is very easy to prophecy the result of measures after it is proved by experience , but I will give you two shor t extracts of speeches from mine , made in the House of Commons , upon the probable result of Free Trade as regards Ireland , and taken from the " Mirror of Parliament ; ' ' the one on the 21 st of February , 1834 , the other on the 6 th of March , in the same year : —
Feb 21 _ Mr . Feargus O'Coxnor ,-I shall be happy to give the noble matquis my best assistance in supporting his motion . There is a distinction , which seems to have been overlooked , between agricultural distress in England and Ireland . In England when you relieve the landlord the tenant feels the relief ; but in Ireland , any rolief to the landlord gives no relief to the tenant . Ido not think any relief will be effectual for Ireland , until a measure of poor laws be introduced into that country .
Now the system of Poor Laws which I proposed that year , was a graduated scale of tax of five per cent , upon all landed property—the largest amount falling upon the absentee landlord , and to be distributed in agricultural and labour premiums . This would have produced nearl y a million a year , and would not have left an unemployed man in the kingdom , and would be therefor e opposed by English members , who built upon the influx of Irish
paupers to reduce English wages . "U pon Mr . Hume ' s motion , upon the Gth of March , I stated the following as regards the effects of Free Trade upon Ireland , unaccompanied by "TIMELY AND PRUDENT CONCESSIONS " :- . They say , if ths first or best class of land return only a price adequate to repay the cost of cultivation and the usualrate of profit upon capital , after deducting the rent , theotherfourclassesofthe landwouldbealtogctherputout of tbe market . Confining this argument to England only , it is true ; but you have no controul over the cheap lands on the continent , whicb ' cbme in * cdHt 3 ctif 6 f onlywith the first class , but with the second , third , fourth , and fifth classes of land in England ; you make England , in fact , the standard market for the world . Is it not clear as the sun
at noon-day , that when you take from us that protection which was given to the agricultural interest of the empire , but more especially to Ireland when she lost her provision trade , and let in upon us the produce of foreign countries , not subject to those heavy charges to which we ourselves are liable , that you will leave us neither a wholesale or retail market ? The situation of Ireland is very little known , ttia such as will not wait even the short time that is necessary for the maturity of all the good plans in store for it . " The English landlord is naturally the guardian of his tenantry . If he found that by any measure his tenantry would be injured he would " take time by tlia forelock " and make that reduction in his rent which the case required ; but the LANDLORD OF IRELAND WOULD LET ALL T 1 I 1 XGS GO TO CONFUSION BEFORE HE WOULD AtSATE
A SLVGLE FARTHING . Now , working men , you shall judge for yourselves , whether or no my predictions of 1834 were correct , as regards Irish landlords and present confusion , always bearing in mind that 1 am , and ever have been , a Free Trader , if the principle was carried out by such arepresentation of your order as would insure for you a fair share of the change ; but I am not a mongrel Free Trader , that would abolish a system nominally , while tbose who had the greatest interest in preserving it were still allowed to preserve a monopol y of legislative power , as the feudal lords do at the present moment .
You must understand what loyalty means . Loyalty has a class definition ; it means the satisfaction of those who , by coercion , can suppress the dissatisfaction of others , and revel and luxuriate in their dependence . In 1848 , 1 told the gentlemen in the House of Commons , that if the salaries were taken from bishops and parsons to-day , their loyalty would follow to-morrow , and that if protection and preeminence were taken from the feudal lords , their loyalty would as speedily dissolve . Well then , in conclusion , let me , for the one hundredth time , assure you that you have not , as yet , seen the commencement of Free
Trade ; for , observe , the tenants are calling out for a reduction of rent , the landlords have to pay marriage settlements , mortgage debts , and personal liabilities , and to keep up their social position . Their land , in some instances , pays from 6 s . to 8 s . tithe , a large amount of poor rates , which will annually increase , together with other charges , amounting lowly to 10 s . an acre , which the tenant will not consent to pay ; while , averaging the produce of an acre of English land at three quarters of wheat , the American can now send the same amount—namely , three quarters—at a freight of something under 5 s ., unencumbered by
taxation ; and , if you recollect , when the newspapers luxuriated in the notion in 1842 , that foreign countries could not send their cattle to England , freights were so high , I answered the absurdity by the old Free Trade maxim , " That supply was regulated by demand ; " and thatwhen the rich " MAW " of the world was opened to the produce of the world , the supply required—of , rather , Bpeculated in—would regulate freights , as every dock would soon show its competition . Well , now , the Preight of corn from America has fallen to less than one-half of the amount charged two yearsago , it will presently be lower ; and my prophecy is , that the feudal lords will attempt to drive the farmers and labourers
into such an agitation , if not a revolution , as will , once more , place their order upon the Treasury Benches , and your order are ever the greatest sufferers from revolution ; therefore , despite the presumed insignificance of Chartism—despite the silence of the Pressthe dread of the landlord—the hope of the farmer—and the co-operation of the agricultural labourer , I ask you , in the name of honour , honesty , justice , patriotism , and the CHARTER , to join the New Parliamentary Kefonn Association , heart and soul , as the only means of breaking down , and for ever , that feudal system which has so long hold you as bondsmen in fetters ; and if you do not , that feudal system will drive the people of this
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country - mto ' a bkod y revolution , as the enlightened miriiSi of to-day will not submit ' to thef dark oppression of bygone days . Your faithful Friend , > Feargus O'Connor .
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Mb . KYDD uAHD THE CHARTER ASSOCIA-¦ - ; .:-. . '^ ::: \ , ^ vm . ¦ ,, !*!? * , ™ KOITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . m $ i& % ' ' - ' r ! . Monetary business of the Chartist Movement being now before your readers , I solicit from you the liberty of making a few statements , m > hich I am parsonall y doncerned , I was ftfSf of the Chartist Executive , during members ^ ot our body wore subsequently incarcented ^ Mr . O'Connor and myself accepted- For some time the whole responsibilit y of the movement devolved upon myself ; and on the books of &&Jfil 2 &h f ^ to the
Birj" -mTii i , i , 0 I tne same year—it was discovered that-1 had paid in all £ 10 more in expense-. of the association than its income : and had given from three to fowiiont ^ aevyice gratuitously . i . Aiid let it bo mfeood , . that my duties wer s ;^ ft ! . a d ;^ ar ^^ : ;; ; 'iling ^^ n tho ad Vice $ g ? 3 ptoe ; 0 f the , M ( lingjfeinQor > . t 9 m London , -rcalletTa - delegate ; - mfefiHjr ^ rin ^ tlie sittihg . of the Conference-of . tho National Land ' Company—November 2 nd . No meeting could be more enthusiastic ; and all those present on that occasion will long remember it . A numerous Executive Council was chosen—the old plan of organisation was unanimously adopted—and the delegates present —without a dissenting voice—elected me General Secretary , at a salary of £ 2 per week . On mv
return to London , a meeting of the metropolitan members of the Executive Council was held forthwith—Messrs . Clark , Harney , M'Grath , Dixon , Stallwood , Ross , Grassby , and others were present . Subsequently cards , plans of organisation , and addresses were issued ; and I , with others ,, fondlv hoped that we should preserve the nucleus of a democratic movement that would one day be the powerful ally of right , and the determined opponent of . wrong . With a view to the accomplishment ot such an object , I left London for six ' months and have lectured in all the princinal tdwns in
England , and also in Glasgow , and some of the smaller towns in Scotland . My meetings have , in most cases been well attended , but after deducting hall rent , expenses of bills , &c , the surplus has been trifling , and no regular organisation has been effected . A fortnight since I returned to London . A meeting of the Executive Council was held—the books of the society examined—and show a debt due to me of £ 60 , and a' debt—I think-of £ 3 duefor printing . It seems necessary to state , that tho monies acknowledged in the Star as Executive Fund , have generally been the surplus of my lectures .
When elected on the Executive Council by the National Assembly , I warned the delegates not to vote for me , if they expected to gain the Charter hastily , or by using any other means than a peaceful propagation of their opinions . At Birmingham , I pressed on those who voted for me the desirability of electing another as secretary of the newlyformed body . They elected me unanimously , and to the best of my ability , I have discharged the duties of my office . I now resign : not that any great change has taken place in my opinions , but because I have not teen supported in my endeavours to resuscitate the Chartist movement . I observe that some of the leaders of the Chartist body are co-operating with
the lately formed Parliamentary Reform Association . I also hear that there . will be another attempt made to get up a powerful Chartist organisation , and Mr . O'Connor , in one of his recently published letters , assures us of his determination to make a tour of England for such a purpose . From my heart I wish these parties success . My opinions are too well known in England and Scotland , to require repetition in this place ; and , while I live , I hope my sympathies and energy will be found on the side of the people . I thank many of my friends in London , and throughout England , for their personal kindness
awresteem , ana express . . a ; . hop . o _ that they will endeavour to collect a sum sufficient to discharge the debt due to tho Printers ; as , for myself , I am this day a poorer man than I have been for years , and , if blessed with good health , I donbfc not but I will be able to make my way in society , and by dint of industry , and economy , to discharge , at all times , my trifling liabilities . I return to London on an early day next week , and will lecture in the Hall of Science , City-road , on Sunday , November the 4 th . I remain , dear Sir , as ever . Your obedjent servant , Samuel Ktdd . Rotherham , near Sheffield , Oct . 22 nd ,
P . S . AH the members of the Executive Council , present at our last meeting , agreed that it was not desirable to continue its name of an association , if not more efficiently supported . In which opinion I fully concurred . All parties desirous of writing to me , must do so immediately , and address to National Land Office , 144 , High Holborn , London . S . K .
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PARLIAMENTARY AND FINANCIAL REFORM . ( From the Aberdeen Gazette . ) Honour to tho working men of Aberdeen \ "With an enli g htenment ancl generosity that do credit alike to their heads and their hearts , they have given themselves honestly to the new movement for Parliamentary and Financial Reform . Without abandoning , in any degree , their just claims to an equal participation of political rights , on the high ground of manhood suffrage , they wcro so deeply impressed with the earnestness—the good feeling of the speakers , and the practical character of the speeches delivered on Monday week , that they unanimously agreed to make common cause with the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association , and not to cease to co-operate with that body until four millions of the unenfranchised are placed on tlie Registration roll .
To ensure this co-operation , the Council of the Association will have to reconsider their programme of details . This , we doubt not , will be done , and we feel assured that , with the prospect now before them of realising a practical and permanent union between the middle and working classes , such modifications will be made at the Conference as will provide a basis broad enough and deep enough to sustain a political constitution , in which the rights and interests of all classes will be perfectlv secured .
To the deputation , the thanks of the friends of reform are eminently duo . They acquitted themselves nobly , one and all , and even Mr . O ' Connor , of whose presence not a few stood in dread , was found , on close insneciion , to be neither a Goth nor a Vandahl , but , in feeling and in speech , acted like a patriot and a brother .
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TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ ., M . P . My Dear Sir , —As an elector and member of the Norwich Reform Association , I cannot but express my humble thanks for the splendid speech you cave us in St . Andrew ' a Hall , on the 3 rd inst . It done my very soul good to hear you . I assure you , sir , I feel thankful that you have joined this glorious cause . If we oan but get the working men of this country to join our movement we shall be sure to carry our cause . I reall y believe , sir , your attending alHhe Reform meetings will have more effect than everything else in carrying our cause . I have been a warm Chartist all my life , and hope I shall continue so to the last hours of my life Knowing well the political feeling of my native city , I am sure that glorious meeting we had in Norwich
navuuonemore gooa to unite all parties together than any meeting ever held in my lifetime . I can assure you , sir , you have gained many friends by it . I have heard that Lord John Russell will bring the Suffrage question forwnrd the next session . I wish the little man may . I don't believe it , do you sir ? Having borne influence with many working men , can you give me some good advice to tell them ? I know several working men that think of joining your land scheme , shrfll I advise them to do so ? I shall be most glad to hear from you tho first opportunity . I remain , Your most obedient servant , Henrt Lake . 1 , Victoria-terrac ' e , St . Faith's-lane , Norwich , Oct . 10 th , 1849 .
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Financial Reform Meetings . — A series o meetings on the subject of Financial Reform wil shortly be held in the north of England and in Scotland . It will commence , we believe , with New castle-on-Tyne , and include Berwick-on-Tweedi Edinburgh , Glasgow , Dundee , and a second meeting in Aberdeen . Mr . llumt , it is expected , will attend those held in Edinburgh and Glasgow .
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, BIRMINGHAM -FREEHOLD LAND SOCIETY . . .. TO FEARGUS O ' CONNOR , ESQ ., M . P . SiR , ~ Some time ago , when you made a few observations upon the above society , you kindly published my letter in reply , this induces me to believe you will give the present epistle a place likewise , as I am decidedly unwilling' any wrong impression should go abroad , unchecked and undented , hence my appeal to you now . 'Ilament , truly and sincerely lament , that you have , m your Star of this day , given currency t ' o a report in reference to what you call vathev contemptuously tho , " Cobden-Scholefield Freedom for the Million Scheme ; " and what is more than this
, your seeming tone of exultation , because you fancy the Revising Barrister will not " legalise the society , or what is the same thing , will not allow them their vote . " Supposing this were true , is it consistent with your principles to rejoice that men are forbidden to exercise the suffrage ? Can you harmonise your professions of an attachment to liberty with your crowing at the defeat of working men in the Revising Barrister ' s Court ? If an " extension of tfie suffrage" is really an object of yow heart , do you ri ghtly exhibit that feeling by glorifying m the technicalities of a Tory lawyer , and the triumphs of political excluaivencss ? To me , sir , thare aofieaYs to be soTOethine between your aotions , language and' professions / that does
nocexaciiy ;; cor . respond , —most-eertainly'jihexrwtn not dovetail , without considerable qualifications ! But what is it that seems to afford you so . much delight , and from what source do you draw so much satisfaction ? Simply because you conceive that a body of hard-working , industrious men who refuse longer to be made fools of in repeating the farce of " petition ! petition ! petition ! " who , instead of this , have resolved to "obtain ! obtain ! obtain I " You tell the country laughingl y , that these determined self-sacrificing men are vanquished , and that the Freehold Land Scheme of this town is a failure ; and believing this , in anything but a honourable tone , you boast and politically clap your hands ! But permit me to say , you are altogether mistaken :
the Revising Barrister has "not refined to grant a vote . Every man amongst us , even according to the Revising Barrister ' s decision , will have a vote EITHER FOR THE BOROUGH OR THE COUNTY ! He has simply said , that " no land in the Borough , in tho owner ' s own occupation , if the owner lives . in the Borough , and a housekeeper , will give him a vote for the Count }/ , but must in value be added to his rental of his Iwuse , and give Mm . a Borough vote , " AH our members who are not housekeepers , and all who lived out of the Borough , were declared by the Barrister entitled to be placed upon the County registration sheets , and were by him placed on ! All the others wore declared by him to be legitimately entitled to be Borough \ oters , so that even man . it
was legally decided , was fully entitled ^ "awe !" So much , therefore , for the statement that the judgment of the Court was in favour of the "illegality of our society . It is true , I admit , —nay , I do not admit , I assert , —it is true , that we would prefer our members being " County voters" rather than "Borough voters , ' ^ and the "land being in their mun occupation" deprives them of this privilege , but this is just as easily provided against ( if it bo the law , ) as it is to say so . 1 let my land for anything , or nothing , till I want to occupy it myself ; m other words , I permit another to " occupy" it till I require it . Then the Revising Barrister says , " the land bein * not in your own occupation , von nvi >
entitled to be upon the County list !" Is there anything here implying " illegality ?" Then again , Mr . Editor , what have mq done to merit your jealously , and I fear , spleen ? Are wo enemies to any cause that benefits oviv fellow wovking men ? Do I ever say a word against any society whilst I am exalting my own ? Do I follow your example , and make invidious distinctions , —dittinctions founded on error , and erected by misrepresentation ? No , no , sir ; my heart swells , and my soul is enraptured , at anything that promotes their interests ; and whether it be propagated by O'Connor , Cobden , or Scholefield , so that it is propagated , " I rejoice , yea , and will rejoice 1 "
See what we have done , and I challenge oven you , to show an equal instance of success , glorious success ! We have expended in this town ; in two years , £ 19 , 000 in freehold land . We have given 42 G freeholds to our members ! In three weeks we shall give just 400 more ! We have placed nearly 200 working men on the register as County voters ; next year we shall place 300 more upon them ! Has anything yoa bave assisted in , since you commenced your political career , done this much ? Nay , has all the agitation this last ei ghteen years done this much ? I demand , in the nam » of my fellow members , —m the name of the 1729 . working men of
Birmingham , who are now candidates for " freeholds , "—that you cease to oppose us , if these statements bo true , and I know they are . I am not angry with you , —my temperament , I grant , is rather warm . I feel somewhat indignant when I find you arrayed against our cause , and by indirect insinuations endeavour to injure us . Be assured by a working man , who feels wiiathe writes , and writes what he teels , —that he in his heart and soul believes that , by a general establishment of similar institutions , every one of tho fiftv-two County divisions may be " won" by his fellowworkers , and tho domestic and social happiness of each infinitely enhanced .
I will not say a word about your charging some agent of our plan with instigating men to sue you , on account of your Land Scheme ; what I know is this , —that it SO happens that there are no societies in those towns where you have been summoned . In conclusion , permit me to say , that I am devoted to everything that has a tendency to promote the grand object of my feeble labours , viz ., —the freedom , happiness , and contentment of my follow labourers ; and I thank the Almi ghty Disposer of events , that those labours have not been altogether vain . I find fault with no man ' s plan , and oppose
no man s scheme . What I say is this , you labour in your vineyard , and let me labour in mine , and by " the fruit shall it be known " whose labours are the most productive ! There is room for all , —work for all , —and if each attend to his own , and cease to wrangle with his co-labourer , depend upon it , a far better and heavier harvest will be the result . I wish every honest attempt , whether yours or mine , success ; and I hope we may both pull m the same team without kicking over the traces , and injuring our progress . To every attempt to benefit my fellow men , I shout , " God speed !"
I am , Mr . Editor , faithfully yours , James Taylor , Jun ., Secretary . Temperance Hotel , Newhall-street , Birmingham , October 13 th . Sir , —I am not aware that any other journalist would give you free insertion for so long an advertisement , and so gross a misrepresentation of tho proprietor . I neither exulted , crowed , nor clapped my hands at the unjust decision of the Barrister . I merely stated that it was repudiated by other papers , which exulted in tho legal antagonism exhibited towards my plan ; but as you state
in the concluding part of your letter , that yon are of an excitable temperament , I can well make allowance for the many mistakes you have committed , and beg to remind you that I more than once lauded your plan , by showing tha , t , eveu limited as it must be , it would nevertheless confer great benefit upon the people ; and now wishing it every suceess , and that it may ultimately triumph over the legal perversions of the legal quibbler , I remain , Your obedient servant , Feargiis O'Conxor .
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THE CURRENCY QUESTION . TO T 1 IK EDITOR OP Tin NORTHERS STAR . Sir , —It appears to me that in order to arrive at a right understanding of this important subject , we should begin at the beginning , and , I will therefore , jvith your permission , state briefly what I consider to be the true elementary principles of the subject . The use of money , I take to be to measure the value , or rather , the prices of commodities . Labour is the standard of value , that is to say , it determines the value of commodities relatively one with tho other ; but whether an article on which a certain
quantity of labour has been bestowed shall sell tor £ 5 or £ 10 , and another article on which double the quantity of labour has been bestowed shall sell for £ 10 or £ 20 , is determined by tho quantity of money in circulation—tho quantity of money then , being the measure of prices , it is evidently essential that that quantity should bo incapable of being varied arbitrarily , and hence , the precious metnls have , in all ages , and in all nations , been used as money , as their quantity cannot bo arbitrari ly varied ; and , moreover , metallic money diffused itself over , all
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/ j + y i i jtJiT ^ fc . ^ /? 7 * - —^— ' -zz z ^ t ^ mkt ¦ * s - * Zr ^ i ** &sC > > £ £ ^ & % & ! & ^ countries having intercourse wftSeTioKfier , in due proportion to the quantity of valuable commodities ^ they possess , and thus equalises prices in thoso ^ countries . For if any country , either from tire discovei y . of new mines or otherwise , 1 ms more than its due proportion of money , then prices will rise in that country , and importations will tako place till the equilibrium is restored ; and with respect to new mines , unless the quantity ol metal obtained be very large , as it will be . quu&ly dispersed over all countries , the effect on prices will be inconsiderable . We shall thus under a purely metallic currency , have no sudden or violent fluctuations in :
prices ; there will , indeed , be fluctuations occasioned •' by the greater or less plenty of commodities , as for . instance , if the produce of the land be double tkis . year whatit was last , . and the quantity of the circu- ' lating metiium remains the same , then tho farmer . who had five coombs of wheat per acre last year , ; which he sold for £ 1 per coomb , will this year have ' ten coombs , for which he will only get 10 s . per coomb ; but no harm will arise to tho farmer from pis , seeing that in both cases he will have the same amount of money , vix ., £ 5 for the produce of the acre and it is evidentl y beneficial to the rest of tho > comnranity . . Having thus far , Mr . E ^ tor , briefly stated my ' views on this subject , r . will , foi ^ the present conclude , and bog to subscribe' myself , | , . ¦ ' . ' Yours truly , Comsion Sense . '
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Sunday . Labour at this Post-office . —We understand that within the last few days returns have been received at the General Post-office , showing the great extent to \ v \\\ ch Sunday labour will be diminished in the country post-offices by the measures about to be brought into operation . It appears that in moro than 200 offices at least one delivery on the Sunday will be abolished , and that in many cases the . abolition will extend to two , or even three , deliveries . This chance alone will liberate several
hundred officers . Wo learn also of the . regular post-offices alone there are nearly 500 where the time of duty on Sunday will be reduced , the average reduction being nearly four hours . The returns do not yet include the sub-olfices , where there will be a , decrease of duty ; but of these there must be some thousands . These facts are sufficient to give some idea of the largo number of persons who will be either partially or wholly released in the country offices from tho performance of duty on the Sunday ; and we are assured that tho small addition to the
force in the London office required by the measures which will effect this great reduction will consist entirely of volunteers , and not , as has been asserted , of persons acting under compulsion . Their work , too , as has nlreaily'been stated , will bo so arranged as not to infringe upon the hours of divine service . Times . Tub Austrian Atrocities . —A memorial to Loid Palmerston , prepared by Earl Fitzwilliam , on tfo subject of Austrian atrocities and Hungarian
freedom , is HOW beiii" circulated for signatures amongst the peers and members of the House of Commons of the liberal party . It urges the Foreign Secretary to use every means in his power to put a stop to the barbarities of Haynau , and to restore to Hungary a constitutional system . It has already been very numerousl y signed , and will shortly be made pubUfi . ASuA KKnine feet long was caught off Hauxley oil Wednesday se ' nnight , by Mr . Adam Storey , of Ci-esswell . —Newcastle Journal .
To Ti1e Yotjng Chartists
TO TI 1 E YOTJNG CHARTISTS
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v > TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . : Sm , —I have delayed answering Mr . Culpau ' s ; letter in the expectation that either he or some one else would give me something to answer , by enter-.-ing into some explanation respecting the formationand working of their "National Bank , " the details of which I have so frequently called for without ' effect . ; lam at a loss to conceive how Mr . Culpan can say , that i" manifest such a reserve on this sub- ject . " I bave stated my opinion—that all tamper- ' ings -with the currency of a country , by means of paper money , is productive of evil , and he agrees i with me , that paper money has proved an evil in all the modes that it has been tried in thus far ; there * ' . forty f ho has a plan for its establishment which will ' . not only escape those evils , but be productive of ' good , is it not clearly his duty fiMof all to give us every particular with reference to its manage ' - ment , in order to enable us to examine them , and « endeavour to find out those advantages ourselves ? Mr . Culpan labours under a great mistake in say-: ing , " all the other institutions of the country are forei gn to this subject . " lias the present enormous taxation % f our own country nothing to do with the - subject of the currency ? Let us try . The average ' price of wheat is now about forty shillings tSe quarter , and the whole taxation of the countrv .
including the expenses of collecting , is about sixty million pounds a year ; these taxes , then , will now take the value of Tiiimr million quartens or wheat every year , with wheat at present prices , how , supposing it were possible to double the amount of the money in the country , its effect would bo to double the nominal price of wheat and all other commodities , and consequently , the taxes remaining the same , it would only require fifteen million quarterns of what to pay them ; they would in fact be reduced one-half . Surely this is an institution which has something to do with the currency .
Those who have an interest in bank note making are in the habit of speaking and writing a gvcat deal of nonsense about tho foreigner coming over to buy up our gold , and leaving us without a soverei gn to blcB-i ourselves with . Now , I am persuaded , the Bank note men see the folly of all such arguments , but it serves like tho parrot-cry— " dependence upon foreigners "—of the Protectionists , to throwdust in the eyes of those who will not tako time to examine tho matter for themselves . I have already asked Mr . Culpan if he would part with a sovereign , cither to the foreigner , or to anybody else , without receiving something in exchange of greater value to /( »»? And the cases are precisely the same with nations as with individuals , in this respect . Let us try if we cannot understand this " buyin "
up of the gold ; and as it is easier to understand such matters on a small scale than on a large one , we will suppose the islands of Guernsey and Jersey existed as independent states , each containing an hundred families , and having in eacha circulating medium of gold and silver worth tenthousnn pounds . It so happens that certain merchants or moneymongers in Guernsey are smitten -with a ucsirc to " buy up" the gold and silver of the Jerjcy folks . How do they proceed in order to effect thetoobject ? In the first place , they must offer them something m exchange which they want—and secondl y , they must offer the goods at such prices as will induce tho Jersey people to give their gold , in order to become possessed of their goods , and , really , for
mysou , I can see nothing wrong in this ' . " Oh , " savs ' Mr . Culpan , " The gold ami silver will be maile scarce by the transaction , and the people will be left to the mercy of usurers . " Let us try this also . Suppose tho Guernsey merchants succeed in " buy-: ing up" a thousand pounds worth of coin from the Jersey people , this , of course , will be added to the-, circulation of their own island ; a thousand pounds would be taken from one community and added to the circulation of the other , making a difference in tho quality , and consequently in the value , of twenty per cent . Now Mr . Culpan must know that a fourth part of this difference would instantly cause the gold to find its way back again , as it would give a profit to the importer of five per cent ., and tho equilibrium would be restored in no
tune . The great fault with some politicians is , that they appear to look for , and expect , such changes . is shall make society " perfect—as shall banish . ' all poverty and crime , and bring on a sort of ' political millennium . Now I have no such expectations . I believe the most that the wisest and best of legislators can do will not change the nature of man , and , therefore , tho strong will , more or less , oppress the weak—the cunning over-reach the unweary ; nor do I contend that a currency possessing intrinsic value would put a stop to the machinations of usurers—but Ido contend that the power of the money-mongers and usurers , for mischief , would bo infinitel y less under a metallic currency
possessing intrinsic value , than under a paper system , to say nothing of allthe other evils , which are inseparabl y connected with such a currency , and which I shall point out at a proper opportunity . The quantity of wheat grown annually in the united kingdoms of England , Scotland , anil Wales ,, is stated to be fourteen millions of quarters , and the value of all the other agricultural produce is stated , on the same authority , to be equal to the wheat ; this would give twenty-eight million quarters of wheat , which , at the present prices of fort y shillings tho quarter , would sell for fifty- six million pounds . Now the taxes alone , if we add the expenses of collecting them , amounts to sixty million pounds ; and if we add the poor rates ( which we have a perfect right to do , seeing that it is those taxes which cause tho p ' oor rates , ) these will give eight million nounds more ; add to
this the six million pounds which the parsons swallow , and wo shall find that we arc burthened with a taxation of seventy' four million tounds a yeak ! or eighteen million pounds more than ike entire value ofailthe-jwoduceofthesoil ! Now , Mr . Culpan , do you not think there is cause enough here for all the distress and misery which we so frequently see amongst honest and industrious men ? I confess I lose all patience when I hear men beating about fov causes of this distvess , and seemingly pnyiri ? little or no attention to this monstrous robleru . It is those taxes which give the money-monger and usurer such immense power—just as a - poor neighbourhood makes a rich pawnbroker ; and be assured , whatever scheme you devise for bettering the condition of thepcople , if such scheme does not include the entire destruction of the accursed taxing and funding system , it will end with disappointment . Huddersfield . Richard Brook .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 27, 1849, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1545/page/1/
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