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Co ifformponuemiJ.
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theIortheek star, SA'iLKUAY, DBCEMBJEB 0( 1331.
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To S ' aJlors and Others . By approbation of her . Majesty Qoesn Tictoria , and H . K . H . Prince Albert .
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Brother Cliartists leivare of youthful Ten Shilling Quacks who imitate this Advertisement .
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EUROPEAN 1 ETTESS . AKD TRACTS FOR THE NATIONAL REFORM LEAGUE . By James Bvonttrrc O'Bvicu . T hese Letters and Tracts vrill embrace the entire range of political , moral , and social science . They will treat of the fallacks and misrepresent tations of historians , publicists , economists , politicians , and party leaders ; of international vights aud duties , ( including the solidarity of peoples ) of parliamentary and municipal franchises , —of real democracy and local government ( as opposed to clas . ' - . egislation and centralization under forms of spurious republicanism' and constitutional monarchy . ) of social bigots as distinguished from ioeial btstehs , of the home and foreign affairs o . the day , aud of the institutions , objects and pra&peetsot tut National Kcforra League , in relation to agrarian , monetary , and commercial reform , &c ., &c . The Letters will appear weekly , or oftener , if need bel ' rice TWOl'EKCE . The Tracts as often as occasion may require , the . price according to size and quantity of letter-press .
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IMPORTANT SOCIALIST PUBLICATIONS . ' ROBERT OWENS JOURNAL . THIS JOURNAL ( Published weekly , price One Vessx , and in month ! parts , price Foubpence ) , Explains the means by which the population of the world may be placed within new and very superior circumstances , and provided with constant beneficial employment , and thereby enabled to enjoy comfort and abundance , and great social advantages ; mid the direct means by which this change may b » effected wilh benefit to all classes . The addresses on Government , on Education , to the Del-gates of All Nations to the World ' s Fair , and on True and i ' alse Iteligion , which have latelj appeared iu the pages of tfcis Journal , have been reprinted in the form of cheap pamphlets , and will be found to contain information of the deepest interest . lhe Eleventh Monthly Part of this Journal is now ready , I'rice 4 d . Also the First Yolume , Price 2 s . 6 d .
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THE PATRIOT KOSSUTH . The Portrait of this eminent man has been reprinted and is now ready for delivery . I t has b een pron o unced , by persons well able to judge , to be a most admirable likeness . It is exquisitel y ei *§ graved , and is printed on thick royal Quarto paper . Pr ice only Eourpe ' nce . Noetheen Stab Office , and Pavey , Holywell Street , Strand .
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In Nos . « t One Penny each , splendidly Illustrated , A HISTORY OF TKE DIFFERENT EXPEDITIONS EKGAGED IN THE SEAM Ml mi . FRAKKLIN CONTAINING ALL TUG RECE N T VOYAGE S TO TH £ POLAR REGIONS . Including in particular the Expedition sent out under the command OF SIR JAMES ROSS TO DAVIS STBAITS A ^ i / Of Commander Moore and Captain Kellott , to Betoing ' s Straits . With an authentio copy of the dispatches received from SIR GEORGE SIMPSON , OF THE HUDSON'S BAV COMPANY With other important and highly interesting inlbrma-
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DR . GI £ E . 3 JIt , 11 , HUTCHESON STREET , GLASGOW I'ltOFESSOR OF HYtrEIAMSil . ' 'Jakes G ? heeb , Esq ., U , D , 'Scottish Hygeian Institution , ' 11 , Huteheson-street , Glasgow . Deak Sib , —Having proved the value of your excellent I ills tbi ? many years , not only in my own country , but also in foreign climes , I can bear testimony that they are the best and safest medicines to be had in any country . Therefore , under this impression , I forward you a Post office Order for £ 6 , fer which send value in Pills for me to take to Amewca . Please forward them per return , uM oblige t * l A' y . ours . Pf ' " -y . W * Ham ,, Gospelsak , Tiptop Staffordshire , Aug . 7 th , 1 S 51 . > * ' When cholera appsared in Springbanlt , in 1832 , ( it was published one thousand times without contradiction ) noi one recovery took place from tho day the village was attacked by the disease , on Thursday , till Sabbath moraine There were forty-two deaths in this period ; when a depul tation from tbe whole town called '
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Double Nnmbcr at lhe Single Price . On December 1 st was Published No . 3 of THE LITERARY RAMBLER , Price Twopence , containing an article on ' theWolverhampton Tin-Plate Workman ' s Conspiracy for the Protection of Labour' —A Play—A Novel—and other instructive awl amusing matter . London : Vickers , Holywell-street ; Manchester : Heywood , Oldham-street . No : 1 , published 1 st October , is given away to the purchasers of No . 2 .
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FRANCE . THE FATE OF THE PARTY OF ' ORDER . ' The last new entanglement in the web of French politics would , by its antecedents , beconsidered among the most comical and arauaing events of the country , . were it not that the fate of a greab nation and the libertiea of millions , are matters . by far too serious to joke about . However , whatever wish we may have to be serious , it is rery hard to refrain
from taking a grotesque view of the last specimen of Revolution mad © by the expe > rienced men of the party of order . Here for months past we hare had the ' respectable ' Pre 6 s of this and every other country preaching about the lawlessness and violence of those fiends incarnate , the Socialists and Gommunists , and the other members of the great demagogical conspiracy , which , according to Louis Napoleon ^ s Presidental message , was ramifying itself throughout all E urope . They were men who degraded law to the level of their own will , and only regulated their own
lawless impulses by the power they had of couverting their desires into actions . For them no compact was sacred—to them any Constitution was binding , only bo long sis it was capable of being enforced . They always kept society upon the rack . For ever they were convulsing France lvith the suffering which always attends upon agitation . It was they who would not allow questions to receive their natural and peaceful flevelojHMeaofc . They were always for solving social aud political problemsby physical force , and exposing society tothe risk of that worst anarchy , a military
despodsm ; and amid ail this choas of contention , the only hope left for Franco was Louis Napoleon , the exponent of the party of order , and the great statesmen , like M . Thieus , who had been trained in the traditional school of Monarchical politics , aud . who , whatever minor differences they might nourish among themsekes , were , at all events , bent on couseryijjg the peace of society , governing by law of some sort , and giving the country such a period of repose as would enable it to recover from its revolutionary throes , Well , under the party of order acting on such doctrines as
these , the people have been denuded of the power they won in 1848—the Republic has been made a byword—tho Constitution has been violated and pared down—Legitimists have plotted—Anarchists have intrigued—Bonapartists have schemed—and the Democratic party have been watched and repressed , as if for the very purpose of furnishing LOUIS JSfAPOiEow with a pretext tor treating the Constitution as so much waste paper—the lejiding politicians of France have themselves Covered it with obloquy , vituperation , and contempt . Iu the Tribune , and at
Departmental meetings , they have spoken of it as an abortion fated to drag out painfully a short existence , and then fade away as n phantom before some Governmental reality , more in consonance and keeping with their non-vialies and notions . For that purpose Ciiangaiwuer , when at the head of the army , threw his sword into tho Bonapartist scale , so that latent Imperialism mi ght outweigh Democratic and Socialist Republicanism . For that purpose , Monarchists of all schools were ready to aid the President to lower this dangerous elevation of the Mountain . Throughout tho whole drama , the Assembly has been
occupied iu the insane task of weakening its own power by degrading the authority of the laws which gave it a tangible position . From the periods when , the cannons of Cayaignac levelled the barricades of June , and the legions of CllAKGAllKlElt awed the ' mob' of Paris , all the people who have now tumbled headlong from place , to find as a finale to their fall , a placo in the cells of Yinccnnos , ov the dungeons of Ham , have been sowing the wind , iso that they might , with proverbial certaiuty , reap the whirlwind ; and it is not the least of thoir mistakes that they looked for tho gales from the turbulent regions of Democracy , instead of from the polished saloons of the
jkjgBee ^ ^ SnfiTriiiromres ^ enough . The transformations we shall seo in the Chrismas pantomimes , or to take a comparison , more in keeping with our subject , all tho imitations of the first French Revolution , and all the rapid changes of the empire when sans culottes rose to be rulers , and conscripts ascended to command armies and govern nations , are equalled , if not surpassed , by tho vicissitudes of the last two years , Three victorious Algerian generals , —one of whom dominated for months over the destinies of France—another of whom was the
weapon by which the Puesibejvt awed a people whom ho deprived of their franchises , —and the 4 Jiird of whom looked forward to holding W sword of fate—are now prisoners witfi&A ^ uy legal warrant in the very prison from which he who seut them there but a few Stojrt years ago emerged ; and in their comptNj ^ is a former Prime Minister of Louis PmtfpE , and one of the stars of the Assembly—t » it Assembly which the modern dictator twjbd oufc of their hall with as little coremosy as though he were whipping a pack of wJWOiounds from their kemiel , and quite in Jh ^ p TWjr with that idea , afterwards
had the kennePdestroyed , so that the infection might not spread . Poor generals—poor trimming politicians—poor Assembly—fated once again to prove that the party of law is the party of contemptible and imbecile weakness —the party of order , the party of chaotic diaorder and to leave standing before the world the great demagogical conspiracy' from which ^ President was to defend them and France , ^ th e onl y peaceable organisation iu theldugdomwilliug , in the midst of addled plots and abortive intri gues , patientl y to bide their time , and atvong iu the consciousness of the justice and truth of their cause , ready to bide the time when the right must come
upperimposuue as it , foTthose who desire tho SgSf SSES SlPrS'S "^ agree tiut he is a , bad one . Prom his aepas ZL V !! p ° ™« n ™ * £ Se career ha 8 been strewed by the wrecks Z
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broken hopes and false promises . Warmed into life in the bosom of a Republic , he , serpent-like , turned upon that Republic and Btung it well nigh to death . Overflowing with protestations of liberty , he suffered a republican army to march to crush a Pvepublic—to decimate a people struggling to free themselves from an abhorrent tyranny . "With pretensions to love freedom of thought , ho ha « put down with a strong hand all the organs of republican opinion . Himself the favoured
choice of the Republic , he so far sided with northern despotism , as to drive out of Franee the exiled democrats of enslaved lands , and to refuse a passage through France to that noblest of the exponents of national independence , Kossimi . Simulating adependenceupon the universal will of the people , he declares whole departments in a Btate of soigo ; and feigning to support law and order , he abolishes the only legitimate bod y b y bayonets—flings down the symbols of legal rule , and throws himself upon the brute force of the army .
From such a man what have the people of France to hope but treachery and deceit ? Untrue to himself he is not true to any one else ; none can be blinded by the concession of Universal Suffrage which accompanies his coup d' etat . He announced in his late Message that tho restrictive law of May was consented to by him ' as a political act . " Who can doubt that his now law , liberalism , is not a political act also , rather than one of principle . The Abbe SiKYES-liko constitution which he sketches for the future is but
a thinly veiled despotism , and the veil , thin as it is , is to be removed when , as he hopes , he is firml y seated enough to convert the quasi Republic into an Empire . With such a man no terms can be made , no faith can be kept . He has himself set an example of force and faithlessness which the , people u-511 < 3 o veil to remember ; and , if we could advise them we would say , take Universal Suffrage from such hands and keep it . Henceforth , if Louis Napoleon succeeds , there will be but two parties , the liuperialistsgand the true Republicans ; the others he has abolished , and when the timo comes ( as assuredly it will under auy system which gives votes to the people ) when liberty becomes not a mere creed , but a deep rooted sentiment—ail instinct in the minds
and hearts of tho people—then recollect that there is no compact between France and the usupers binding upon Frenchmen no power in ' the uephew of my uncle , ' to which they owe a moral obedience ; and that he cannot complain of the violation of law then with any more justice than Thiers and tl \ e Assembly are now . Fight not—raise no bavicades—spill not a drop of blood—do what tho party of Liberty only can afford to do . ' Work , wait . ' ., Patiently bido the time when the exponent of falsehood shall be denuded of belief , the ruler of forco have no moral obedience to appeal to , the perpetrator of wrong be left without a vestige of apparent right , behind which to shelter himself . 9 ¦¦ Hi AS ^ # B U *« ^ 41 A ill ^^ l 1 ^
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THE MANCHESTER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM BILL . Whatever exception may be taken to the decisions arrived at by the Manchester Conference on Wednesday , it must be admitted that as a whole it was a most gratifying proof of great aud substantial progress on the question of Parliamentary Reform . Looking at the list of those present , and at the general composition of the meeting , H may fairly be said that an equall y influential meeting on the subject has not been held in this country since the era of tho Reform Bill ; and the PRIME Minister must now understand distinctly that he has to grapple with a real question , and to satisfy a powerful honajide public opinion .
For our own part , wo candidly confess that we scarcely expected the leaders of that Conference would go us far us they have done . Nor can we comprehend very clearly the grounds upon which Sir J . Walmsley and Mr . G . Thompson objected to the definition of the suffrage proposed b y Mr . Bright . It appears to us that in words at least , it is quite as liberal as Mr , Hume ' s , and is objectionabls upon precisely the same ground , namely , that it makes occupation and rating—not manhood —the test of qualification . Had the representatives of the National Parliamentary
Association taken the broad and decided position , that the vote ought to be given to the man and not to the property , as we have repeatedlyurgedupou them , and moved a motion to that effect , they would have pursued an intelligible course . As it is , we can onl y account for tho opposition they offered , by the supposition that they were of opinion their definition of Household Suffrage was bo much more distinct , that when it came to be discussed in Parliament there wo uld be fewer loopholes for
escape and evasion on the part of timo serving or lukewarm members . Certainl y Mr , Hume ' s motion includes the occupiers of parts of houses , or in other words , lodgers , which Mr . Bright does not ; and that would , in . some places—in London especially—make a material difference in the number of the constituency . The propositions of Mr , Bkigiit , and as finally adopted by the Conference , were as follow : —
1 st . That the elective franchise be based upon occupation and rating to the poor-rate , with a six months' residence as a test of bona-fide qualification ; the retention of the forty-shilling freehold franchise , audits extension to all freehold , copyhold , or leasehold properties of the same value . 2 nd . A more equal distribution of the electoral power b y the union of small neighbouring boroughs into one ; the transfer of the franchise from extinguished boroughs to populous towns now unrepresented ; and generally such a distribution of the franchise that hereafter no constituency should consist of less th&ii five thousand electors , 3 rd . Tho Ballot .
4 th . Triennial Parliaments . And , 5 th . No Property Qualification for Members of Parliament . Mr . Bright supported these propositions by the very argument we used last week in appealing to the middle-class leaders . It is not expedient to have Reform Bills every five years , or to be continually tinkering and changing our political institutions ; and , therefore , it would bo better , while we were about the job , to do it in an effectual manner , aud to make a permanent settlement at once . That many of the middle-class suffragists considered his proposals too sweeping and revolutionary in their character , is evident from
the fact , that Mr . Edward Baines proposed two or three years' residence , instead of six months ; while Aid . Carbutt , feeling that if the Member for Manchester was too free , the journalist of Leeds was far too stingy proposed as a middle measure one year . To all these proposals the Member for the Tower Hamlets objected , almost iu the words we used last week-that if they excluded any of tho six million claimants for the Suffrage the question of reform would not be settled for a day , nor , as far as he was concerned , would it be settled for one moment . But wliy did Mr . Thomps on not fairly put . the meeting to the test , by proposin g the onl y simple , intelligible , and just basis upon which the franchise can
rest « AH the difficulties and complications , all the vague and unsatisfactory definitions by which these middle-cUss reformers are puzzled in treating this question , arise out of their adopting a false principle at starting ; arid while we give them every credit for a sincere desire to effect a settlement of this vital and pressing matter , we assure them that they never can succeed in that object until they begin at the beginning . Mt . ' Thompson truly said , that 'if they admitted five millions
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out of the six millions of claimants thev do a gross act of injustice to one mjj * ^ persons , and , iu fact , disgrace all «•] , tl ° l excluded . ' Upon which , some onorr , ; . ? er 9 cry 'Why not let the women iJS !* Despite of the 'laughter' which folw / J / question , we echo it—why net ? It ' thos put it are in earnest , we are sure that u 0 V' " vorsal Suffragist will stand in the way of Enfranchisement of Women . But the "" well aware that it is merely a question ofv t and that public opinion has not ripened «' c ' teutly upon that point yet to permit of h ^' hitive action . No such objection can br > ° ° ' " to Manhood Suffrage . It has been ? watchword of a succession of parties ,. 4 . £ ii . » j _/» -r * . _ ' 11 tlli > iiuiu uiu oi
uuuiuij uaysi ' ox ami Pn- i ' to tho preseut time . It has beea discus ) * every possible shape , and came out of thaA * cussiou as the only just and permanen t <*»« merit of the question . There is ,, , Uic > of tangible or valid objection to its siiJv All the opposition arises out of ' {[ , 1 j ° Ul prejudices or class jealousies which are fo-t , to such a largo extentby . our social institut our conventional habits , and our imw ?? antagonisms . These necessarily tend ( n f habits of ftn exclusive character , to & £ * eaoii
masses rrom otner , and , as a conswme , " to produce in the minds of the parties I separated erroneous ideas as to tho jv . 1 nions and motives of each . In these ' fT ' notions and in this unhappy estranecmem are , m fact , to be found the great causo oS slow progress of Representative ltefonn ? this country . Had tho nations of the con f nent possessed the same facilities for achieving political omauapatiou which we do 2 would long ere this have accomplish ^ t ! l task . But the > power o ? the Ple 6 s , the ri-i of free discuss . on , aod Of org ^ iaW „„{« . opimou , have been , to a large extent , neutral lsed and paralyzed among us by the n «» piiciei to which we have alluded , and ifthov avo permitted to continue their pernicious influ enco they will iuflicb serious injury on the popular cause .
It is because we seo and fed this plainly and strongly , that we aro prepared to give " duo credit to those among the middle aud upper classes who hare partially emancipated than , selves from class prejudices , and who como forward to support measuies which , though not all we want , make an immense stup towards the goal ire aim at . Tho Chartist body will we know , always have too high respect for
themselves and the principles they have up . hold , through good and evil report , in times oj danger , persecution , and imprisonment , to ahriuk from the avowal that , in their opiuion the concession of all the points in the People ' s Charter is absolutely essential to the establishment of pnlitieal ' justiee in this country , But while they thus consistently and roatifiali j adhere to their own deep-rooted aud sincere
convictions in tins respect , while they labour with all earnestness for the practical " reeosm . t ' wa of their principles by the Legislature , they need not impugn the honesty nor the sincerity of others who cannot go so far us themselves , More ; thoy ought uot to reject coinpauiau&Iu ' p and help even for a , part of the way . Such , companionship and mutual help might—nay , certainly would—become tlio nost powerful means for disclosing to all parties tho fact , that the mutnal prejudices which . had kept them apart from each oUjct r . « a tho result oi misconception . The cordial union aud the increased strength derived thereby for tho acconipHslimeut of all thai
was necessary or desirable , can scarcely be estimated at the present moment . It will be seen , therefore , that UUflcncuiug adhorenco to the principles embodied in the Charter , is not only compatible with courteous and friendl y relations with other bodies of Reformers , but may be made one of t \ w agencies for securing the enactment of that document as the law of the laud .
Lhe class or tho body of men who isolate themselves from the rest of the conununitv , either in a political or a religious spirit of pharasuical . over righteousness , can . norw effect changes that will benefit the wholo people , and such alone are worth contemlinc for . By living among , and working with , out fellow men , we must necessarily accomplish more than if we are trammelled by the letters of narrow cotenes and cliques , * who pique themselves upon some fancied superiority to
tho rest of mankind . Hithertoo Chartism has been looked upon by the * respectable ' classes as . synonymous with anarchy , plunder , and universal license , —Chartists as a peculiar species of the race , who sougbt only to subvert existing institutions , in order that they might gratify their own passions aud appetites at the expense of the present possessors of property . These gross mistakes must be rectified—these monstrous calumnies refuted . But how ? By Chartists exhibiting ,
in their own conduct and demeanour , the falsehood and the folly of tho imputatioDi against them . There is nothing iu the Charter that is not consonant with the highest political wisdom , and the soundest princip le of abstract political justice aud social utility . Why then should its advocates not oceupy ' a position in the discussion of political questions ill some degree commensurate with the truth ,
justice , and superiority of their causo ? For no reason that we can perceive , but because they have gone the wrong way to work . It is time the error was retrieved , —it is tim « other public parties were made aware tliat Chartists will no longer pursue a suicidal , iso * lated policy , but that they intend iu reality to be a power in the state , maintaining , wift unshaken fidelity , tho great principles the * have ever advocated , but at tho snme time not
obstructing any practical or attainable reform proposed by other parties . Iu this spirit wo look upon tho Stanches ^ Conference and its slightly varied cilitiui ) oi the old programme of Mr . Humss aud the K tional Parliamentary Reform Association . In principle it ia open to the same objection « 3 we have always made to the plan of that > sociation ; in practice , probably it would enfranchise fewer electors : but still it is a « ?
in the right direction , and likely to have c <* sidorablo influence in tho pjtrliaineutai'y lli ;< cussion of tho question . If Sir JosuW Waimsley and Mr . G . TiiOJirso . v are «« j satisfied with it , let them effect au open afl » definite junction , with the operative classes f the ground of Manhood Suffrage , and a « lB < creased impetus will be oiven to the nw ^' meni-, which , in a year or two , may g ive « - * satisfactory and permanent settlement of ti * whole question .
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THE PROTESTANT ALLIANCE A $ FOREIGN DESPOTISM . Tho important meeting held last week « J the inauguration of the Protestant Af'w must not be passed over in silcuce . ^ j indeed , a significant sign of the tunes , _^ brought the so-called ' religious worM closer contact with political movements , is usual ] v tliA ceo TTnmi thfl l ) ropi " ., .,
discontinuing the grant to May nootl ) , w , oue of the direct objects of the Alliauce , « not propose at present to offor any ° l' j further than to say , that it is not ufl ^ . for zealous Protestants to urge such a ^ Bure , under the provocations that tnej < 9 recently been offered by the Ultr ^ u" " ' ^ Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland . 5 the Protestant Alliance has bettor a » j » ^ indisputable claims to public supp ° « jW 10 0 Bi
vppoHuiou maynootn . is S , j tlis level of Exeter Hall , and eomprelie / jj , ; . religious is inseparabl y identified v 1 ^ tical freedom . Taught by experience ; v perhaps in no small degree , by the s ^ o i and comprehensive political disq " . * pr e-Kossuth , it has come to the eouclusiony ^ oisely similar in practice to ilwsfl s 0 *
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W . Abbott , Chelmsford . —The affairs of the land Company have beau placed vmiier nie cliarpre of Mr . Goodchap , accountant , Cheapside , who has full powers , under the Master of Chancery , to take all the necessary steps lor winding tliemup . Any communication , requesting specific inforniiition upon points about which you or your fellow-members may be in doubt , will , we thould think , receive dua attention . If , however , this should not be the case , anil you will state explicitl y what kind of in . structlons you require , we shall do our best to procure
it for you . . The Metropolitan Delegate Council . —To toe Editob . os the Southern Stab — Sib , —In your account of the meeting at Finsuiiry , on Sunday week , I am reported as bavins seconded Mr . Hunt ' s motion— 'That a committee be appointed to draw up the rules for the Metropolitan Delegate Council . ' I beg to say this id incorrect ; I supported the amendment— ' That the delegates should be elected from their localities , and be left todrair op their own rules for themselves . '—Yours truly , Ernest Jones . Mr . J . Lewis , Lantwit Varder . —The 10 s . in postage 3 'amps was received on the 27 th ult . Yes , you are liable to be assessed for . property tax . ¦ ¦
Co Ifformponuemij.
Co ifformponuemiJ .
Theiortheek Star, Sa'ilkuay, Dbcembjeb 0( 1331.
theIortheek star , SA'iLKUAY , DBCEMBJEB 0 ( 1331 .
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR , December 0 , ] g ^
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 6, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1655/page/4/
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