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»ttttit golfnttitts, PUBLIC MEETINGS; &c. 19 MftfrfT\rff f 1ffilMvAm7m4*
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" A NATIONAL PAETY . " HOW IS IT TO BE FOKMED ? ¦ To tU Editor of the Stah op Freedom . Sin , —I am glad to find from the tone manifested by some of your correspondents , that an earnest desire is felt for the formation of a successful National Party . No direct plan of action , however , has as yet been laid down by either Mr . Newton or &ny of those who so warmly applaud his sentiments ; That it
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S atlnT H i make b ( f uuder the old system of thfar ^ ^ ^ lf , TK ""* simplify and nanw whteh W i J ? *? now - ! lde t 0 the antagonistic spirit ZononlT V ? <* J ' actei ' lsed <«* proceedings , for that is Wha ? T nH + ^ * S ^^ unreflecting maii-worshippers . to Wn S 1 S *?? \ T camei T 1 > 7 which our principles are tion fo ?^ ° i ; r 011 ' P is t 0 get U P «* agito-Inlw + r ple ma ? llOOd Suffra ^ ' believinS t ^ St by thus simoKLt S— ' We Sl 3 ? Silence a nunto of Mvolous « nl rS + * v ? ' ? my ° P mion ' w 0 llld Le as ineflicatious as SL i the / oollsh tnm § s we have done before . For it matters nfrw W ? CUrtai 1 1 0 Ur demauds * W the present House evorvT 0118 ' y ; i always be found raising objections to Zll ^ f' ^^^^ PPPOBe of breaking down the wi'll l ™ , - _ .., ,
monopol y of government . Do they not now raise an objection Sfffi - na ? T °° Suffra ° ' the Sn > that tlie People arc not sufficiently educated , and would use it to their own prejudice . in short , that it would be like putting a razor into the hands of a madman . Wherefore , then , is the use of cutting down our principles to suit such unscrupulous opponents ? 1 can assure you tliat we have no occasion to be afraid of choking from having too much to swallow at once . The government will apply the pruning knife with sufficient freedom without our setting them the example . The success of our principles depends more upon the machinery which we use for the purpose of obtaining them , than in the principles themselves . I believe with you , Mr . Editor , that " it is impossible to recuscitate the
worn-out past . " That we can do no good by " pursuing the old round of agitation . " The people are sick of it . Lecturin g lias become a bore , public meetings and processions are a nuisance and petitioning a humbug , a sham , and a delusion . We nave had sufficient talk ; what we want now is work—f radical 'work . And seeing that nothing of importance is to be expected trom the House of Commons , until a large influx of more liberal members be carried into it , our duty is clear . We must act upon the motto of Sir Robert Peel , only for a different purpose , Hie battle of freedom is to be fought in the registration courts . " °
Having spent considerable time in examining our past mode of proceeding , with a view to find out some more efficient plan of action , I trust I shall not be deemed arrogant in laying before you my thoughts on that subject . The following are , in my opinion , the most likely means to be employed to successfully work out our ends . As no association of a sufficiently practical character exists at present , and as a beginning must be made somewhere , I wouldadvise the friends of real progress , in every town , borough , and county , to form themselves into bodies , to be called democratic election clubs . Having formed themselves into an
organised body , the plan of operations which I would recommend is as-follows : The society should be divided into committees similar to our town councils . Section number one to be called the Parliamentary Section . Its duties should be to visit periodically the elector ? , and ascertain their political creed , and endeavour , by reason i \ m \ persuasion , and by supplying them with well-written tracts on the subject , to show ' them the necessity for a thorough reform in the House of Commons . They should keep ' a book , in which the political views of every elector must be registered . All those whose principles agreed with
our own must be urged to join the committee , and thus increase our numbers , and extend our influence . Those who could be induced to take an active part in the working of the plan , must be appointed as visitors to others of their own class , who have not yet become converts to our views . Others , who could not be induced to take so active apart in the propagation of our views , may be induced to assist by regular subscriptions , as periodical donations . After this section had got into proper working order , the society would be able to ascertain at a glance how near to their own principles they would be able to return a representative . Always taking care to return the most liberal
man they possibly could ; never obstinately bringing out a manhood suffrage candidate in opposition to a household suffrage one , where it was known to be impossible to carry , the former , for by so doing we weaken the ranks of progress , convert into enemies those whom we are striving to make converts , and strengthen the power of our enemies , by returning whigs and tones . Where the power of the whigs and tones is too strong to permit of our sending two members pledged to either manltood or household suffrage , but where we can send one , by coalescing with a whig , we must do so , for it is better to do so than to allow two whigs or a whiq and a torn to be returned .
Section No . 2 should be called the Municipal Committee ; its business should be to watch over the municipal electors , in the same manner in which the other section watches over the parliamentary electors ; to nominate from its own body members for the town councils , and arrange measures for their adoption . No . 3 should be called the People ' s Section , and should look over and take care of the non-electors , and by periodically visiting and reasoning with them , bring them into the society . An Executive Committee might sit in London , to whom returns of the condition of each electoral district should be
sent at stated intervals . The whole of them to be added up by this committee and sent back in a printed form to each locality . By this means the exact state of the country would be seen at a glance , and the progress which we accomplished regularly and accurately known . In the general conduct of the society towards other bodies of men , I would recommend that we lend our hand to push forward every movement that is making towards our goal ; taking care if we are invited to take part * in the proceedings of any public meeting connected with any other branch of reformers , to urge the superiority and necessity of our principles .
This plan of action possesses the superior advantage over the one which we have hitherto pursued , that it enables every member of the society to become an active agent in the propagation of our views , and renders unnecessary those troops of agitators whohave been the bane of democracy . By bringing us into immediate contact with the electors , and others who are opposed to us , we shall be enabled to answer their objections , and satisfy their scruples , and remove a vast amount of prejudice and niisunderstandiim * .
Perhaps those who have given themselves up to a sort of mental indolence , and who would prefer paying some brawling " charlatan to rant and mouth a lot of senseless vituperative trash , will object that the course which I am recommending will be slow and laborious . I readily grant that it will . But will it be any slower than the course which those objectors are pursuing ? I fancy not ; for their progress is like that of the crab—backwards . I think it will be conceded that we shall
never get manhood suffrage until we get a House of Commons the majority of whom are in favour of it ; and we shall never get that until a majority of the electors are in favour of it ; and the readiest way to convert them to our side is to go and reason with them , face to lace , and not to skulk into some obscure room , and denounce and abuse them *
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A dozen energetic men in each town may make a commencement ; and if they go to work in a proper manner they will soon have both numbers and funds . I have given a rough outline of what appears to me to be the best mode ot action under present circumstances . Should it meet the approbation of any of your readers , I hope they will make known their opinions through your columns ; or if any one has a better plan to propose , I trust he will propose it at once , in order that the subject may be fairly taken up , and some satisfactory conclusion arrived at . After a sufficient
number ot localities have agreed upon either this or some other and better plan oi organisation , an executive committee may be appointed to act provisionally , until a conference can be called to prepare a set of rules embodying all the working details of the plan . b I have not mentioned any particular principles on which to base the society , beyond an allusion to manhood suffrage , for several reasons , lirst , because 1 conceive that that would be the business of a conference , and not of an individual : and secondly , because I do not think , after mature deliberation on txie subject , that it matters a fig whether we base our first
, demand on the charter , simple manhood suffrage , or household suffrage ; for I imagine that the majority of us aim at the tiepubkc : democratic and social But this is a work of time and can only be arrived at by degrees . The public mind is not yet prepared ; and we may rest assured that a constituency which is not prepared to go for household suffrage will not go for manhood ; neither will the legislature grant to the nonelectors a more sweeping measure of reform than the electors
are prepared for . Our business , therefore , must be to prepare ge mmds of that class of men for the most liberal measures Doubtless ^ they will agree to household suffrage before manhood ; while , therefore , we are preparing the minds of the electors for household suffrage , or for manhood , if possible , we must be preparing the minds of the householders for manhood and the people in general for the Republic . Our visitors being divided into classes suitable to the parties they will have to visit , will be able to manage this point .
I have thought proper to give the proposed organization a new name , in consequence of the disgrace which has been brought upon chartism ; feeling convinced that nothing will ever be accomplished by any party acting under that name , liie deeds which are daily being done under the cloak of chartism , would disgrace a band of Thugs ; and the few men who still hold together under that name have dwindled down to a mere blind instrument in the hands of a common swindler . I would , therefore , advise every man who is really in earnest ' and wants to see some of the fruits of his toil , to flee from it as he would from a pestilence . Queenshead near Halifax . CHRISTOPHER BHAGKLETON .
Bury . —Mr . Editor-- ! sendtwelvepostage stamps lor the Exiles I think , with Mr . Peel , of the National Trade Association , that we want a National Society of workmen—both of head and hand . Get this , and we shall soon raise a National Party 4 tt the vote , or Manhood Suffrage . All closses help to make socie + y bad , and all must help to make it better : it is absolutely neres sary they should be drawn closer together , and try to understand each other better . There are good and bad in all classes ; briii " them together , and the good will unite . I think , with the wi >
ter m your paper , we want and must have a People ' s Bank if not , our work will be just mere talk . "Who is it that hinders us from having a National Union of workmen ? I know , that some of the trades called " aristocrats , " have spoken in its favour years back . I am not in the least afraid to say that it is small cliques of selfish demagogues who hinder it , and will hinder it while they can do so with profit to themselves . Mr . Peel is right : instead of fighting against employerswe must seek
, the co-operation of the best of them ; and then , if force is necessary , we can compel the selfish ones to do what is right . But these tyrant denouncers will hinder this , too , by abusing whole classes indiscriminately , and employers , seeing thenworkmen led by such men , have to treat all alike . You may , if you think fit , put these few remarks in the Star , with my name , as it seems to me quite useless to raise any agitation unless we keep clear of the rocks that have wrecked in times
past . I am , dear Sir , yours truly ,
JOHN BATES . P . S . Perhaps some of your readers will tell us why we cannot establish a National Union of workmen . If it is impracticable , let us be shewn that it is so . Again—we are told that the working classes have £ 30 , 000 , 000 in the savings' bank ; then what the use of grumbling so much for more power when we do not use the use the power we have at hand .
»Ttttit Golfnttitts, Public Meetings; &C. 19 Mftfrft\Rff F 1ffilmvam7m4*
» ttttit golfnttitts , PUBLIC MEETINGS ; &c . 19 MftfrfT \ rff f 1 ffilMvAm 7 m 4 *
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SEggKaMm . ^^^ HE JTAR ^ O ^ MTX )^ 107 ¦ i " ~ ~ ~ •*
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A NATIONAL PARTY . To the Editor of the Star of Freedom . Sik , —I must personally express myself inuch gratified with the reception which my letter , recommending the formation of a National Party , " has met with from your correspondents and such of the reformers as I have come into communication with The fact that such a proposal has been made without producing a loud , wide-spread , and fierce opposition is a proof of the thonghtfulness and moderation of those with whom we have to deal ; and the other fact that all who have spoken or written not only admit , but assert the necessity for its calm consideration , goes to show that there is a right appreciation of our all but powerless condition and the importance of building up a new organisation fitted-to retrieve the past and bring about a triumphant future . The very feelings which actuated me seem to have been latent in many minds , and to have been evoked by one voice giving to them open expression .
I cordially agree also with the suggestion which has appeared in your columns , that if a new party could be formed the past must , in one sense , be forgotten . We cannot , of course , help remembering it and applying its experience as a warning but it must be forgotten as the pretext for obloquy , either against classes or individuals . Viewing it as I do , seeing in it many errors of pcli p }' , I ain convinced that tlere has been at the bottom sincerity and purity of intention . The faults have been those of judgment , pot of feeling—of the head rather than the heart . I do not believe that even with the old organization , and the old means of action , what has been would be likely to be repeated . The masses have made great advances in the last
few years—greater comparatively than any other class . They have received a political education , they have learned to think , if not logically , after the manner of the schools , yet deeply and earnestly , and with a rough natural logic of their own which leads them on to the truth . They bave formed a more correct estimate of their own resources aS well as of those of their op - ponents . They have acquired the power of calculating motives , as well as an insight into party tactics ; and they are better able to adapt the means to the promotion of the end to be obtained . In fact , I may say they have grown up from political children into men , and to punish them for the past would be as absurd as to whip the man for the follies of the schoolboy .
An endeavour to base a new organization upon reproaches would be both foolish and fatal , worse than attempting to build a house upon a foundation of sand . For my part , I would not give my adhesion to any movement in which it was probable such a course would be pursued , for I should regard such con duct as worse than a mere fault—as a political crime and a social injustice . If we are to succeed , our future internal policy
must be prompted and dirqptedby a spirit of mutual forbearance , conciliation , aiid good-will , enabling us to turn our united strength upon the common enemy , instead of wasting it in sometimes ludicrous—sometimes insignificant—and always melancholy squabbles between ourselves . We have powerful prejudices , strong motives , and great influences to contend against , and to do so with a hope of success we require too many friends to allow us to make enemies of one another .
There is one enquiry of your correspondent " Tom Pinch ' to which I am particularly desirous of adverting ; indeed , it has been the main cause of my now asking for room in your columns . He thinks , and I perfectly agree with him , that there must be an infusion of fresh blood . Not that we are to discard or refuse the assistance of those who have hitherto been active , but that we must have men who may command the respect , if
not the confidence of all classes to lead the new party . I do not say this with any intention of depreciating the talents , the energy or the sincerity of any one ; that would be falling into the very error I have already disavowed , but because the survey of past failure is often more injurious to a political cause than even the feeling of by-gone wrong , and that renders it necessary that we should , if possible , be headed by those who are totally unconnected with errors that may have been committed .
" Tom Pinch" enquires , could I do anything to promote the adhesion of new and good men to a national manhood suffrage party ? I think I could . I do not wish to overrate my own personal influence . I do not desire to have anything I may desire to effect upon that footing at all . I came forward not because I thought I was the best or the most capable man , but because it appeared necessary that some one should begin ; a very feeble touch in the right direction will sometimes sufhee to of former
put a great mass in motion . Since the publication my letter I have advised with some friends as to the best course to be pursued ; the result is that letters have been written to several gentlemen of influence and standing , some of them members of the House of Commons known to be favourable to red liberalism . The answers which have hitherto been received are eminently favourable to the project , and it would appear , after replies from all have been obtained , that a great aggregate meeting should be called at some central place in the
metropolis , by which the principal officers might be elected , resolutions passed embodying the objects of the association , and persons appointed to draw up a programme in accordance with those resolutions . That done , the new society would be formally introduced to the world , its principles defined , and credentials given to its representatives ; then we should be prepared for action . Arrangements would be made , of course , for enrolling members , raising funds , calling future meetings , publishing our opinions through the press , and setting on foot a systematic and well-organised efficient agitation through the country . at
I fully believe in my heart that such an effort would be - tended ' by full and complete success . I am sure that the attempt will at least be made , for those who have taken it up are fully determined to do their best to carry it through , and I look-with confidence to the formation of , a party supported by the influence , the intelligence , and the enthusiasm of the best of all classes , for the purpose of gaining the first and most important of the political rights of the people . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , WILLIAM NEWTON . l > 5 . Arbour-square , London , Sept . 22 nd , 1852 .
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Bradpohd . —Mr . Editor , —On looking over the Star , of Saturday , I am glad to find so many democrats responding to the letter of Mr . W . Newton , on the organization of a National Party . I , as an individual , feel the importance of such a party being formed , under a good and practical plan of organizationone that will meet the views of all shades of veritable reformers ' and bind them into one bond of union for the attainment oi manhood suffrage , as the stepping stone towards those rights whichwe have been so long contending for , and which we can
enjoy m tneir plentitude under a republican form of government It is necessary that this question should be discussed in all parts of the country , and that the democrats send their decisions to the Star of Freedom . Hoping that Mr . W . Newton will push forward what he has so nobly commenced , and that his efforts , and those who may assist in so noble an undertaking may be crowned with success , is the sincere prayer of vour « J fraternally Thomas , Wilcock , 32 , Adelaide-street , Manchesterroad , Bradford , Yorkshire .
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White Horse Locality , Hare Stuekt , Bethnai fiuFrv Mr . Editor-The letter of Mr . W . Newton having been diV cussed , the following resolution , proposed by Mr . Vaughan , seconded by Mr Bnsck , was adopted . « That having discusS Mr . W . Newton ' U s letter during U Sunday evenings , we are ^ lFZS > ' ^ r atl 0 in favcw of Manhood Suffrage , v meet with general support throughout the country , and S . w ^ A ? f ngnt direction towards obtaining the other points of the Charter . "—Hewmit , Secretary .
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OHAimSM IN THE NOETII . To THE EditOU OF THE " &EAK OP FllEEDOM . ' Siu . —To any acute observer of the times , it must be apparent that a great change is taking place in the minds of the mass of the thinking portion of the people of this district . Many declare , Chartism is dead . In my opinion , it is not so . The dogmatism of Chartism , it is true , has nearly given up the ghost , buUhe principle itself is springing up in the minds of the" intelligent and industrious orders , and leading them on to true Kepi ; blicamsm . It is true , that nieu like yourself , have been denounced as eneinies by others , who fcy their narrow aM con-
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 25, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1697/page/11/
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