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TlEMOCRATIC !TVrn VRTVr -p lo-m ' a " ~~ j)E3KOC RATIO MOVEMENTS.
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LETTER TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE . [ ( Concluded from last Saturday ' s Stab , of Freedom . ) RELIGION . By Relig ion is meant a bond . Man is at once spiritual and material ™ dM du 8 l and social . He is one with himself , with ^ tmn ^ nu ^ iTm ^ Efery religion which compraes not the whole of man , andai men , IZ ^ t ent ire , material and spiritual , individual and social , is false and incomptt ™^ d it isno el ^ ion Paganism which knew
; or , b « t the body San y ffb ich represents but the soul are imperfect religions : neither Uprise ™ Ten 5 in mind and matter , individual and society . Both have misundersTood Z e ^ rety of right , the unity of human nature , the holy and JSSffitarf solidar ity , and of umversal life ; both have left out of their cKas one of lhe elements of man ; both have established division , war theoppConof one part of man by the other part , and consequently of man by m L To " cou i ^ . individual who agreed not with himself agree with his fellow-men > 2 lave left imperfect the mind or the body , the individual andsociety . Human * constituted materially first , then spiritually , should at last constitute itself with a an ion of both .
Christianity , a simple protest of the mind against the yoke of pa <™ material i 5 lD , was soon , under the name of Catholicism , the accomplice of the ^ tyrant Uature , Whom it had denied , conquered it . Being still without the regulatin * p rinciple of unity , it became earthly , material , and Pagan in its turn What had been protestation then became oppression , what had been faith ' became power , sometimes the accomplice , somelimes the rival of other temporal p 0 Wer *; traitor to ite origin , unfaithful to its mission , quitting the manger for the dome , the mind for the body , heaven for earth , God for the devil , Jesus for Csesar ; cursing misfortune , reproving
virtuebless-, ing crime , hallowing perjury , consecrating robbery and murder every violence and fraud ; abusing and depraving conscience , stiflhi" ' reason engendering credulity , exploiting weakness , allying with infernal art fraud to force , the cross to the sword , the holy-water sprinkle to the torch : more avaricious a hundred times than the money-changers of the temple , more hypocritical than the pharisees , more cruel than Herod , more disloyal than Judas in fine selling , delivering up , crucifying and eating the Christ every day . Such hasbeen the Catholic church from the old Emperors to the new , from Constantine to Bonaparte !
God be praised it is dead ! If interred itself on the 2 nd of December . It was not a Te JDeum that it chanted for the conqueror ; it was a Be profundis that it chanted for itself , and a Libera for us I It slew itself along with the army . The priests , separted from the city like the soldiers , having like them , even more than them , morals , regulations , chiefs , a country apart ; ha * ing like them a sectarian spirit and fewer family ties—like them , the trade , the word of command , and discipline—unproductive , werous , oppressive , like them—compressing the soul as the soldiers compress the body—the priest has committed the same matricide on the common mother , and merits the same punishment . With the priest , then , as with the soldier , with the clergy as with the army , with the church as with war . The people should be their own priests , as well as their own soldiers and
legislators . Conscience is no more to be delegated than sovereignty or strength . ! fo intermediary between man and God ! Free thought in all and for all . Science has taken the place of faith . We no longer believe , we know . And now that science has proven the truth of the bond that unites man to himself , to his fellow-man , and to God—the truth of the true religion which comprises body and soul , the individual and society , all man , all humanity , and all God—the truth , in a word , of the principle of solidarity and of unity , of universal lifewe no longer need a common , public , official religion . The Catholic , or any other church , is completely separated from the State . The direct or indirect budget of creeds is surpressed * An economy of 818 , 000 , 000 fr . Liberty of
conscience , equality of faith , fratfcaity of dogmas ! Each may worship as he will . He who wants a priest , pays him ; he who uses un altar , supports it . The temple is no longer for this or that dominant creed , but for all in common . The priest , the minister , the rabbin , are ordinary citizens , having no monopoly , no privileges , nor exemption of any sort , in Tespect to the State ; having neither more nor less rights or duties than other citisens ; enjoying the same advantages , but submitted to the same charges as everybody else . No more constituted clergy than standing army . Neither altar nor throne , vestry nor barrack , Pope nor Emperor , Jesuit nor gendarme , cross nor sabre , helmet nor mitre—entire liberty of the soul as of the body . Thus be it !
THE MAGISTRACY . It is the same with the magistracy ; the gown is as black as the cassock or the uniform . The magistracy has forfeited its position as well as the army and the clergy . It pertains to the dead , like these decayed institutions , and will fall with them into the same tomb . It has pursued the people with the same hatred , and has served their oppressors with the same shame ; it has prevaricated under all the regimes , in the name of the people , as in the name of the King , crushing right under lines and chains , judging without faith or law , condemning to confiscation , to prison , to exile , even to death ! It is judged and condemned without appeal ; it must be executed . Like the perverse judge of Cambysus , it must leave its skin on its seat , its life with its honour .
The judiciary power is one of the attributes of sovereignty . It is the exercise of the public reason , of the general conscience , encouraging good and repressing evil . The judiciary power may no more be delegated than the legislative or executive power . The people should be its own judge as weil as its own legislator , its own soldier , and its own prieat . The people should itself exercise the judiciary as well as the other powers . Where the power to make . the law resides , there only resides that of applying it , says the lawyer . But the law ,
being a general act , requires the concurrence of the whole people , whilst judgment , being a particular case , requires only the people partially , or the jury . " This principle of trial by the people , and the people partially , is already received and practised in the institution of the criminal jury . All justice should be rendered by a jury . Every citizen should be a juryman . The jury , that is to say , the sovereign people , deciding all civil and criminal cases . The jury decides finally . Judges are appointed to explain the law , and pronounce the sentence on the decision of the jury , and named as judges of commerce and
proud homme now are , by special elections . Then , no more magistracy seated upon its mass of codes , immoveable , corporative , disciplined , monarchical , arising only from itself , disposing of the fortune , the honour , the liberty , and the life of the citizens ; abrogation of the old forms as well as of the old laws ; no more various decrees of jurisdiction , remnants of the feudal ages , with all their consequential proceedings , chicanery , conjuring-books and expenses . If thd first tribunal is good , wherefore a second ? If it is bad , wherefore does it exist ? A jury of cassation simply to regularise the sentences . Economy of advocates , avowees , bailiffs , all the
judiciary gang , amounting to nearly 500 , 000 . Justice , prompt , equitable , gratuitous , and above all , no more exceptional justice , state 6 f siege , high court , or council of war ; no more political justice , no more inquisition , espionage , occult , arbitrary , and discretionary surveillance , no more invisible eyes on every conscience , ' sowing suspicion , defiance , and terror in every mind I Ifo more of these monarchical institutions , which , always supposing evil , often provokes , and never prevents it , veritable virus of public morality , which poisons society instead of curing it , but in communal and special police , popular like justice , and of which each citizen , at need , will be the constable to prevent evil , as he will be the judge to repress it .
CAPITAL , This is the great question , the stirring question , which causes as much irritation and passion as that of the noblesse in 1793 . We approach Jthis | difficult question with our usual frankness , saying what we think , neither more nor less ; it is the essential question , for the solution of which there cannot be too much study and attention on the part of all , which demands more than any other the concurrence of the intelligence of every one , which more than ever proves the necessity of direct government , and that only the entire people may untie or cut it . It is the knot of the revolution itself .
If , as we have said , roan is at once mind and matter , individual and society , his wants , his rights , his faculties , and his life are double as his nature . They are at once material and spiritual , individual and collective . Man , then , has a right , has need , to live materially and spiritually , individually and collectively . Every society should satisfy this double need , this double right , to be justly constituted , to be conformable to the nature of man . But tne right implies the means . First , the right to live materially , is to produce , to labour . The right to live , then , carries with it the right to labour . The people , who feel Instinctively every great truth , have perfectly understood this . From thence comes the simple formula of the workmen of Lyons : " Live working or die fighting , " and the still more simple formula of the people of Paris on the 24 th of June : " Bread or hot . " From thence , in fine , came t he scientific formula of the Revolution of ? ebruary : "Right to labour . " For if life is a right , and no one contests the riuciple except Matthus , labour , which is the legitimate means to live , should
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- is ^^^ s ^^^ s reisntvtLir ^ «> vere , gn . Louis XIV . was King of France . Sovea&SF ^ »« . " = £ * s How mnv h 17- ° JUdgeS > S ° ldierS ' PrieStS > and le S islat ™' How may they obtain possession of their capital ? nuentfvT- ' ^ o- ™ > OOO lOO ° ° f V ro ^™ in 36 , 000 , 000 of souls , conseare „ ft ' r "" ff ° ' ° f » rolit . aria " s > *<™ «* ™ re than 10 , 000 000 who ^!" f'irrcraoVedftom ^ c pfoletariat . There arethensome thousands of , .
_ , , ereigns governing , exploiting , and possessing 35 , 000 , 000 Vsbje ^ BloM b eadTSv ?; ^ , *? " ^ ° hh wallet ' ^ d ' sub ect o tfs slaves'Tf 7 ° ? neCeSSary t 0 free that en 01 ~ ™ ss of « im « lb necesfarytoemancipat W e them H from misery ; it P is « necessary H to give Stt ^ r , Tlt 0 , ° ' "" ght l ° ' -Caital ™ ' ^ reacZ ^ V" * ^ " ^ ° * enemy ' ° f the co ^ ei-revolution , of the reaction , of the fr . ends of property as they call themselves . Then , it is necessary , in the name of justice , and by the right of reparation and restitution , that the reaction render to the people what belongs to them , what they owe to them . First what they have taken from them . Whoever breaks the glasses pays for them , says the proverb . But , the reaction has violated , broken the Constitution the
on wth oC June , by the Roman war , on the 31 st of May , by the mut . lation of universal suffrage , on the 2 nd of December , by the usurpation ? JrZ * nJi iereaCtl ° nllasvotecl ' tllen ' asainstlaw a " « S » t , four budgets of i r , ono , O 00 fcs ; the reaction has spent the money , and shed the blood of France beneath the walls of Rome , and in the streets of Paris ; the reaction has murdered , stolen by force of arms , confiscated , sequestered , imprisoned and transported ; the reaction must pay ; the reaction must repare . All its booty will not be too much for that . Who may ever calculate the damage that it has done , the wrong that it has caused , the evil that it has committed ? Who may calculate the indemnity it owes for all its crimes , for Europe enslaved , France dishonoured , for the fortune , the liberty , the life of our fellow-citizens arrested , despoiled , exiled , shot , guillotined ? Who may value the blood and tears of the
victims , in France , in Italy , in Hungary , in Germany , in the whole world ? It is not , then , revolutionarily , arbitrarily , it is in the name of the ordinary law , in the name of that principle of common right , and natural good sense , that desires the author of the evil to repair it ; it is in the name of simple justice , of equity , and eternal morality , that the people should at length settle accounts with the reaction . The Hevolution will be only a restitution . Then all who have abetted and worked the counter-revolution , president , representatives , functionaries of every grade and species , ministers and executioners , every civil military and religious accomplice—all who have ordered , signed , judged , executed , imposedindeed all who have taken pavt against the people' must repay . We have had enow of Platonic revolvtions . We must finish the reaction with one blow . It
must be punished in the manner in which it sinned ; it must be struck in the heart and in the pocket , as 1793 struck it in the head . It is money that must be executed . If life is inviolable , if life is sacred for us who have abolished the penalty of death , if life betongs to the individual and to God who gave it , so does fortune to society . Thsdefending body alone is slain ; the disarmed enemy is spared ; but society has a surer means of defence than death . Money is the sinews of war ; the enemy will be disarmed . 1793 created national goods . The first revolution consolidated itself by seizing two-thirds of the soil , by constituting their rights and interests with the old monopolies and privileges by making copper money of the superior coins , by multiplying the interested , the possessors and the defenders of the land , by transforming the prolitarians into proprietors , ready to defend a country of which they have part . Shall we do likewise ?
We have before us two schools or systems , both exclusive . The one says , " all by the individual , " the other says , " all by society ; " the one denies collectivity , f * e other personality . % either the one nor the other is in accordance with truth . The truth is , something by the individual and something by society . There is no juste-milicu as eclectism , or if we are eclectics , we are so as nature is . It is according to the consequences of the two principles which constitute man , of the two essential elements of his nature , which are , we repeat it over again , personal and social , individual and collective , particular and general This is so true that the pure individualist is compelled to admit companies or
associations for great works of public utility , and that the pure communist recognises individual free-will , when the logic of their systems leads in one instance , for example , to the substitution of private lanterns for public lighting , and in another to the disposition of private thought by a public regulation . Thus , by the consent of ail the great establishments of general interest , works of public utility , the ways and means of communication and transport ; the roads , canals , railways , and carriage of goods ; assurance , banking , currency , and increasing enterprises of draining , irrigation , clearing ; libraries , museums , arsenals , hospitals , &c ; demanding the collective strength , and are of the public domain . Industry , science and art are , and long will be the recourse of individuals .
We take the man as he is , and not as he will be . Experience , observation , fact , prove to us that the people , at the present time , hold too much of the individual element , not to wish for personal property . The workmen of the towns and of the country is scarcely revolutionary , except to become proprietor , In a feeling of justice , narrow , if you will , but profound and intense , that man should enjoy the fruits of his labour , and that it is not possible to enjoy it without being proprietor or master , the people have not yet concluded that they may be associated ; they have only concluded that they need not be wages slaves . They have seen how the proprietor is sovereign and free ; how he has well-being and intelligence ; how he is free from misery and ignorance ^ and they wish to be proprietors too . He who has property desires to augment it ; he who has none
desires to acquire it . In truth , association would be preferable ; it is the final therefore of society ; it is the only and true means , combined with attraction , to augment prodection , consequently of establishing harmon )' , daughter of abundance and of of justice . Truly , the individual tends more and move towards the salutary system of association , but he tends thereto gradually . He must be conducted and not pushed to it . The mass has not yet arrived thereat . If compulsory association , and collective property be decreed , the masses are immediately rendered counter-revolutionary We must pass by personal property to arrive at collective p ' ropeity . The individual must be appropriated before the commune . The individual must be left free to associate or not . We must have full faith in the principle ; wliioh , if it be good , will prevail as soon as it is practicable .
Then all the goods appertaining to the accomplices of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte , to the agents of his government of robbery and murder , should be mortgaged by the revolution , declared national , and seized in the hands of their wrongful retainers . They will be divided as tluy may be needed , into communal lots , and distributed in accordance with the vote of the sovereign people to the proletarian citizens ; the lands to the rural workers , the manufactures to the workmen of the towns . Each will be free to work in isolation or in common . The system and schools operating as they are understood ; the Fourievists have the phalanx , the Communists community , Mutualists the bank of exchange , freely , voluntary , without constraint or shackles , without violence and without obstacle . The people will try them all by experiment , and decide at least with full knowledge of
their merits . They may accept the good , and reject the bad . Theories will teach themselves , by the . best of all methods , pvactice , and may prove themselves by the best of reasons , success . They will win in this way the most incredulous the first . Yes , the most sceptical , the most individual , the most egotistical , will be the first converted to association by the eloquence of fact . When they sec more produced at a lesser cost , they will be the first to desire to profit by the blessing . As much , then , as compulsary association will be tyranny , as much as association without attraction , will be deception , so much will it be sterile , so much will it provoke repulsion , immense reaction , composed of all who possess or who wish to possess individually ; so much free , voluntary and spontaneous association , infallible means of winning riches , happiness , peace and unity , harmonious method of making all live for each , and each for all , will assure for ever the triumph of the Revolution . The be
j |^ national goods will accorded emphyteoticaly , that is to say , possessed on the ordinary conditions , but for a limited period . At the death of the proprietor , the over value remaining to the direct heir , they will revert to the state , as in England property of that nature reverts , after a certain time , to the lord of the manor . Our only lord is the people , who will relet them to new tenants on the same conditions , which , by a sort of perpetual revolution , will compensate , without exception , every misfortune , and also destroy the pvoletriaafc . Thenceforth , no more wages , no more rent ! Every citizen will have his own capital , his own instruments of labour . Every citizen will be proprietor , as well as soldier and sovereign . Each will have his field , his vote , and his musket—country and patrimony . Then let any one interfere with the Revolution ! Each will at length enjoy -without trouble the fruits of his labour on the sole condition of taxation .
TAXATION . Taxation will lose its monarchical character of exacation and tribute to take its true democratic and social characters of assurance and ponderation . Taxation
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will consequently become less and less burdensome ; for the counterweight diminishes with equality , and assurance diminishes with risk . Now taxation neither assures nor relieves . It aggravates misery in place of allieving it ; it is reputed to be a guarantee against enemies abroad and at home , against conquest and robbery ; from the moment when there will be no more kings , there will be no more conquests ; from the moment when there will be no more povertv , there will he no move thought . Other scourges will remain , inundation , fire , shipwreck , pestilence , bankruptcy , &c , and the general expenses , which will be covered by as small and just an amount of taxation as possible . Thenno more budgets of
, 1 , 500 , 000 , 000 , no more multiplied and indirdct taxation on objects of cousumption the . most necessary to life ; no more octroro , customs , duties of any sort on wines , meat , air and light , which f ail heavier on thepoor than on the rich ; more on the small-wine of the poor , than on the liquor of the rich ; on the boiled meat of the poor , than on the roast meat of the rich ; in brief , which makes the poor pay fourteen or fifteen times more than the rich ; but the one tax established upon capital , taxationrational , equitable , and progressive , no longer upon misery but upon riches , taxation the regulator and moderator , the equalizer of fortune and of conditions .
CREDIT . Taxation , which now costs 170 , 000 , 000 for its collectien alone , will be ' collected , almost without expense , by the commercial banks . These banks , instituted in every commune , receiving the rents of the state lands , and collecting the taxes , will be managed by the commercial council , and will distribute credit to all who are in want of it ; thus fulfilling in commerce , tne function of the heart in man ; circulating riches , as the heart circulates the blood , fro . n the centre to the extremities , and from the extremities to the centre , lending money at a low rate , leaving , in virtue of the principle of liberty , to all citizens the right to be bankers , but forcing them by competition , more and more to lower interest , to no longer hoard up money , as swollen veins retain the blood , but , on the contrary , to spread money everywhere ; such will be the commercial banks through the whole extent of the Republic ! Credit is the work of the people , and should be theirs . It emanates from the people , and should return to them .
Labour produces both capital and credit . The producers , therefore , are the true capitalists and creditors . The banks of privilege and monopoly , like the Bank of France , are therefore establishments of exaction and usury , and should be replaced by tho commercial banks , which would lend money gratuitously . With the commercial bank will be a bazaar where each citizen , each association having exercised the right to labour , may dispose of or consign his production at his value , receiving before the sale a part of the price , to be completed afterwards . This will enable the worker to recommence production , without waiting . The bank and the bazaar will thus be institutions of real and personal credit , assuring to every man the democratic and social right to live by working . And when we say man , we mean the human being , consequent !) , woman as well
as man . Without doubt , so long as war and force shall prevail in this world woman ' s political right will necessarily be under restraint . But she should at least have the right to live , the right to labour , the right of modesty . Poverty causes prostitution , money-marriages make monsters . If you would have free ehildren do not have enslaved mothers . The true family cannot be constituted except byiiberty , freewill . But , in order that the female have liberty , it is necessary also that she have property . The present marriage system is an absolute regime tempered by adultery and arsenic ; marriage will be much more indissoluble when it will be impassioned and disinterested , when it will be voluntary and not forced ; and then family will not be either a privilege or a lie ' but a right and a verity . - fc »
_ The guarantee against the abuse of the right of credit recognised by every citizen , will be sanctioned thus : —Whoever refuses to reimburse will be deprived of the right , and will become , in default of other recourses , the salerie d servant of the commune , employed on the works of public utility , if he be strong and be granted assistance if he be infirm ; for society owes succour to those who cannot work , as it owef work and remuneration to those who can earn it . Such is the right to labour , and tba right to rest ; such is the material life of -nan m society .
INSTRUCTION . But man has a right to spiritual as well as material life , consequently to education aa well as to work , to teaching as well as to credit , to mental as well as to bodily food , to enlistment as well as to material well-being . He sl / ould bo freed from ignorance as well as from misery , from error as from want . What is a sovereign that knows not how to read ? Science and art should be placed within the reach of all , as property and sovereignty . Knowledge , profession , and power , these three words are brothers in the logic of the French language . He who has riches and science has power . •<•• .. . - ^
Like credit , education should be gratuitous . f It should be general and special , professional and military . Each should learn at one and the same time his trade of citizen and of soldier . Instruction is a duty as much as a right , for if the ignorant wrong themselves as individuals , they wrong others as members of society . « 3 »> s- « ,-sm& « ¦ Teaching , therefore , should be compulsory , but compulsory by the best means , by the power of interest . . Royalty sells education ; the Republic , which is the opposite of royalty , gives it . Royalty makes the rich pay for learning , the Republic pays the poor . At the present time , the children of the poor are the domestic servants / they are useful to their parents . Will you send the father to prison , because he sends his child to the fields and not to the school ? Let the Republic indemnify the poor for the loss of their children . Such a measure will be only temporary , for poverty , daughter of royalty , will disappear , with it . Let the Republic have , fo ? a tirnp , instructors of adults , teaching the fathers as well as
the children ; for royalty has left us ignorance as well as poverty . The morning of the Revolution give premiums of every description to masters and pupils , make every possible sacrifice for enlightenment , and it will be money well spent . By spreading knowledge , we save the Revolution . Lakanal said , " So long as public instrnction is not organized , the Revolution will not be saved ; " and he was right . The Convention , ( that assemblage of barbarians ) out of a budget of 600 , 000 , 000 , voted 59 , 000 , 000 , for public instruction ; and our honest moderates out of a budget of 1 , 500 , 000 , 000 , voted 17 , 000 , 000 . We are the sons of the Conl vention , imitate it ! Increase the budget of instruction by the whole of the budget of destruction ! Less money to kill men , and more to form citizens Elevate men , the majesty of the term sufficiently expresses the importance of the ' fact . Let each commune ,, therefore , have its academy as well as its bank , its tribunal , its militia , and its primary assembly ; and let every citizen have a knowledge of science as he will have right and power .
In the question of education , there are three interests to conciliate , that of the child , that of the family , and that of society . The child ill be under the charge of the father , under the surveillance of the people , until he reach an age at which he may take charge of himself . Even as the child lives on his mother ' s blood , so has he no existence of his own , even as he Iive 3 by the conscience of his father is he destitute of a will . He lives by a species of moral as well as physical suckling . Nature , who knows what she is about , makes paternal love the best guardmn of the child . Law should follow nature . Then , no more confinement , no more separation of the child from his
family ; no more of those monastic arrangements which demoralise the pupil , huitful and painful for both children and parents , the more painful according as they are premature . Ripe fruit parts easily from the branch that sustains it ° but green fruit is torn in the separation . Therefore , college life by day , and family life by night—education at the domestic hearth , teaching at the school Primary or general instruction to all ; secondary or special instruction , according to the vocations , studied , examined , and verified , day by day , by the masters ' so that no species of intellect may be scared or lost—so * that every mind ma y attain its full amount of perfection , and with its quota , daily increase the common treasure of human knowledge .
After the public and gratuitous teaching of the commune , there will be free instruction . Always in virtue of the principles of liberty , every citizen has tho right to teach , on the sole conditions of publicity and responsibility . Competition , otherwise useful , will stimulate commercial teaching , and will force it to better methods and better masters . According to this principle , the father who represents the will or the right of the child , will have the liberty to choose , but he will also have the responsibility . Truly , he will always prefer to have the best education for his son gratis than to purchase the bad But if he errs if he leaves his son in ignorance , he loses the right which ' he has abused , The education of the child will be taken from him , as the child is taken from th e unnatural parent who physically maltreats him . As a general rule , the father of the child has charge of the child ' s body ; he should , also , have charge of the child's mind , under the surveillance of the people . His love will give him ri-ht but . his fault will render him worthy of punishment . In the same way ° thj citizen will be free to teach , but will be responsible , and lose tho right if he abuses it . In all and always , liberty and responsibility .
CONCLUSION . To resume , right to instruction and to work , complete life , material an < spiritual , individual and collective , for the citizens , the really entire life th e daily bread of the soul and of the body , in fine , the right of the people- the
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November 20 . ] mir-n - « « * ^ 1 ^^ , ¦
Tlemocratic !Tvrn Vrtvr -P Lo-M ' A " ~~ J)E3koc Ratio Movements.
TlEMOCRATIC ! TVrn VRTVr -p lo-m ' a " ~~ j ) E 3 KOC RATIO MOVEMENTS .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 20, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1705/page/11/
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