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" JUSTICE—IMMUTABLE , UNIVERSAL , ETERNAL . SHOULD ENGLAND ACCEPT « THE EMPIRE ?" Within two -weeks from the present time "theEmpire" -willbe formally proclaimed , and Napoleon the 2 nd—of December , will mount the restored Bonapartean throne under the designation , style , and title of " Napoleon the Third . " "While these words are passing through the press , the inscription Republique Francaise , and every other mark and memento of the Republic is being
effaced from the national monuments , buildings , &c . Already the flunkies and sycophants of the usurper address him as " your | tfajesty , " and beslaver him with the ridiculous , impious , and disgustin « - " adulation paid in the darkest times to the worst of despots . The honours (?) of the Imperial Court are already parcelled out among the accomplices of the tyrant , and a new tribe of princes and other titled vermin , like another Egyptian plague , rises from the . fetid fecundity of the dominating corruption to blast the soil of France , and make her the wonder and shame of the world .
In this moment of supreme danger for their country—a danger more terrible than the tramp of foreign armies upon French soilfor that misfortune might perchance re-kindle the national spirit and infuse Freedom ' s vigour into the now dormant , and ( in appearance ) death-stricken millions of Frenchmen , —in this moment of supreme suffering for every true son of France , afflicted at the sight of his country ' s abasement , and apprehending a still lower and deeper depth of degradation ; the proscribed and the exiled , faithful to their duty , and true to their mission , protest against the threatened completion of their country ' s enslavement and humiliation .
They protest not in the cold and hypocritical language of mendacious diplomatists , but in those fervid terms of truth and eloquence which , though they may fail at present to arouse the nation , will , at least , serve to brand the tyrant with indelible infamy ; and wll remain a record of justice denounced upon the head of a matchless miscreant ; a verdict of condemnation ; a decree of judgment , and sentence to be carried into execution , whenever and wherever the arm of the people , or the hand of the tyrannicide , may have opportunity to smite , punish , and destroy the tyrant and his tyranny , the usurper and all the perfidious and truculent accomplices and agents of his guilty and accursed ambition .
In " thoughts that breathe and words that burn , " the exiles expose the fraud , hypocrisy and treason , of pretending to inaugurate " the Empire" by Universal Suffrage ; the moral suicide of the national sovereignty sanctioning and crowning the bastard sovereignty of a Cesar of the gutter . The idea of even voting against " the Empire , " of recognising the fact of voting , they repudiate with the most burning scorn . It is insurrection , not a " political demonstration ; " arms not votes , that must occupy the thoughts of all true Frenchmen . " In presence of Bonaparte and his government , the citizen worthy of the name only does one thing , and has onlv one thins : to do—load his musket and await the . hour !"
Will France respond ? Perhaps not immediately . But that she will do so ultimately , doubt not . The hour will come when breaking her fetters , tearing the bandage from her eyes , spurning the blandishments of Corruption and defying the menaces of Terror , France will burst the cerements of her temporary tomb , awake to life and action , and springing to the mortal conflict to the cry of " Liberty and Vengeance ! " arouse all Europe to share the perils of Freedom ' s war , the last war , the holy war , which shall know no cessation while there shall be a slave to emancipate , or an oppressor to overthrow .
In spite of passports , police , and the other precautionary safeguards by which the French despotism surrounds itself as with a chevaux-de-frise to repel not only men but also words and ideas ; in spite too , of internal razzias upon the houses and persons of all suspected to be acting in concert with the proscribed ; the circulation , nevertheless , of the Republican manifestoes , issuing from the exiles , has been immense and unprecedented . Suddenly the " Seditious documents" appear in the Moniteur . A bold stroke on the part of Monsieur de Persigny , by which he would appear to say for Bonaparte , "Who ' s afraid ? The country is so completely
with us , we can afford to despise these revolutionists ; , and even allow them to utter their sentiments through the columns of our official organ ! " Certainly for highwayman—like audacity , the brazen front of unblushing crime , these Bonapartists have no equals . But this seeming reliance on the strength of his cause will not serve the usurper . His boldness is but assumed—assumed to hide his fears . The manifestoes were already so extensively circulated , that they scarcely needed the Moniteur ' s help . They could not be suppressed and they could not be ignored . Persigny , therefore concluded , that trepidation would be best concealed under an appearance of contempt . He may yet question the wisdom of and repent his decision .
Taking the Republican appeals for its text , the Times of Wednesday last came out in its old style , denouncing the exiles as "ferocious maniacs , " &c , and charging upon them the responsibility of Bonaparte ' s domination . The Times charges the Republicans with having inspired the belief , that but for Bonaparte ' s despotism , " half France would be butchered , and the other half plundered . " Into how many halves France may be divided , doubtless the Times best knows ; but there must be at least a third half to do the butchering and plundering . 0 ! logical thunderer The Times proceeds after its usual wont and manner to
misrepresent the history nf f . li p T ? fvniiKli /> 'jn -norf-Tr oo 4 rw nmr . ™ ** !* < c at « sent the history of the Republican party ; as , for example , " No sooner was the Republic established than they attacked it with the weapons of Communism , and held the fate of civilization in suspense for five days fighting on the barricades of Paris . " Thus the Times distorts the facts of the unfortunate insurrection of June , 1848—an insurrection of Hunger and Despair ; provoked not by Communists , but by the Reactionnaires and sham—Republicans . What wonder that History is for the most part a fable , when under our own eyes we thus witness the records of the age poisoned at their very source ? Commenting on the « incendiary proclamations " oi the Democratic
Socialists , the T ^ sobserves : « They appear to indicate that as Louis Napoleon is out of the pale of all law , and out of the pale of humanity itself , every means of -resisting or destroying his authority are equally admissible . " Of course ! If it can be shown and proved beyond the possibility of doubt or question that a man , or miscreant in the shape of a man , has been guilty of perfidy perjury , treason , burglary , and wholesale assassination ; that he has violated every W , « human and divine ; " that he has outraged every segment of Right , every principle of J usface ; it naturall y follows that he should be regarded as out of ? he pale of all law and out of the pale of huma&ty itself ; " and to be dealt by accordingly . That BonapaRTE has been guilty of all the Sfit efei ^ T * m w T r 6 C 0 rd Of events > ** also in its fcutona ! articles , may be found the most unanswerable evidence to
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convict Bonaparte of having acquired and continued to hold supreme power by means which stamp him the enemy , not merely of France . and Frenchmen , but of the Human Race . Common sense , and the instinct of Natural Justice , indicate the course to be pursued towards such a pest , plague , and curse to Humanity . The Times having taken the lead among European j ournals in denouncing Bonaparte as the most criminal of tyrants ; now turus upon the exiles and charges them with " violating public decency , " and " abusing the freedom and asylum" they find here , " by putting forth appeals to insurrection and assassination . " Why , how
now , Weathercock ? You have proved Bonaparte to be a tyrant . Is it not right and proper to preach insurrection against a tyrant ? You have proved Bonaparte to have been guilty of wholesale assassination . Shall not sentence of death be executed upon an assassin , and especially such an assassin ? Even in your own columns may be found extenuating apologies ( to say the least ) for tyrannicide ; for example , the letter of " An Englishman" in the Times of November 2 d , in which the writer says : The power which sets itself above the law , invites revenge beyond the law . Fanaticism listens to no conscience but its own . The tyrannicide
deaf to God and man , sees only crime , heeds only vengeance ; is Brutus when he strikes , a martyr when he falls * * * ¦ The uncle furnishes a deadly argument to those who would despatch the nephew . Napoleon left a legacy of lO , OOOf . to Cantillon , who attempted the life of Wellington , and boldly justified the murder of his rival !" Sense of decency , if not sense of justice , might forbid the Times uniting with such infamous prints as the Morning Post in abuse of the Republican exiles , whose " appeals to insurrection" are but the logical sequence of the Thunderer ' s denunciations of the usurper . But here arises a new question : —the legal if not natural right of Bonaparte to rule over France . That Napoleon the 2
ndof December , was usurper as well as tyrant when he trampled out the life of the French Parliament , the Times admits ; but ¦ when by " popular election" he willjmount the throne as Napoleon the Third , he will become acceptable . At least he will be accepted by the Times as " the choice of the Freneh people . " " If Frenchmen will exhibit themselves as slaves and fools , and will make barter of their liberties for such protection as a tyrant and impostor
may afford them , the affair is theirs , not ours . We must accept him , or at least acknowledge his government , and be content , at least while he respects this country ' s independence and maintains the peace of Europe . " Thus argues the Times . Even the " Englishman" concluded the admirable letter above alluded to with the declaration : — " But if , no matter why , the Empire is peace , England will accept it . " An unworthy position for the " Englishman" to take . A disingenuous , selfish , cowardly , and criminal argument on the part of the Times .
It is assumed that Bonaparte will be elected Emperor by the French people . Supposing the election to be bona fide ; aud that eight million votes without fear or favour salute his regality ; and proclaim the Empire the act of the people ; under those circumstances is not England bound to accept" the Empire ? " No ! Because a nation cannot any more than an individual , legally commit a crime ; still less make that crime the foundation of a right or claim . If the French people wilfully denude themselves of their
sovereignty , they by that act commit a crime—a treble crime ; a crime against themselves , their children , and mankind at large . Men have no right to debase themselves to servitude , if only because of the demoralising effect of such an example ; because of the wrong they inflict upon their offspring ; and because of the injury they do to other and better men . Those who debase themselves , encourage the insolence of tyrants . Those who enslave themselves doom their children and even unborn generations to the miseries of
slavery . Those who abdicate their own ri ghts , thereb y endanger the independence of all free peoples ; while they drive the oppressed to despair . Imagine America renouncing her republican mission , abjuring her free franchises , and substituting for Democracy the despotism ofsomeSoLOUQUEorBoNAPARTE ; the disastrous effect of such an act is incalculable . It would be the greatest possible misfortune for . Humanity ; perhaps ' the greatest possible crime against the Human Race . A crime which would command instead
of sanction or countenance , repudiation and abhorrence on the part of all nations . What an entire nation may not do , a part of a nation , even though the majority may not do . One million has no right to enslave seven millions ; but seven millions have no more rio-ht to enslave one . The election of Bonaparte as Emperor will be
the subversion of the national sovereignty , and an attack upon the imprescriptible rights of man , whether perpetrated by a majority or a minority . But the election will not be bona fide . It will be a mockery , a sham , a huge political swindle . The usurper ' s accomplices have already fixed the number of affirmatory votes at eight millions . If they had fixed the number at ten or twelve millions , it would have been all the same ,
t The balloting urn is in the hands of the Prince of thimbleriggers . Napoleon the Little knows how to plagiarise Alexander the Great ,, and will work the oracle accordingly All men , all nations know , that be the votes of assenting slaves manv or few , the election will be an organized hypocrisy , a gigantic fraud . To accept the rusult of such an election as a venty to acknowledge the regal right of the impostor , consummating ' his treason bv a mammoth lie ; would be to share his criminality and add insult to the affliction weighing upon France . No !
N e acceptance of "the Empire . " No acknowledgment of the cut-purse GasAK , on the part of England ! To accept "the Empire , " is to accept , not the will of Franw tat the hero of December , with all hil crimes . I is to S the wrong doneto Italy- the policy that menaees and toSfi Piedmont and Switzerland , and alread y compels Bekium to suh nut to one of the most shameful of humiliations , Be £ teatot would not dare to betray their country , if' the / knew S 5 £ independence had the earnest support . of England To a £ m& "the Empire" is , in short , to enter more thoroS y into andT gage more completely in the liberticidal consp i ^ y ofthe despo - . sms agamst the nations A course of " policy , " which wouldZ , tail shame upon England m the beffinnrno- and w ™« u vi well-deserved ruin atthe last . ° g ' ' ° P roba %
But if the empire u peace England must loyally accept it " 0 ! « Englishman , " what a falling off is here' Let us 2 the question . Mister John Bui ? l who shall standl »^ 3 ^ dual merely , and not as representing a nation ia \ Z ^ u ~ commerciali money-getting Ua ^ ^ A ^^^ for lawsuits , quarrelling and fighting would interfe e wl h his profitable nund speculations ; Heis near neighbour to a £
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agreeable gentleman , Mister William ( commonly called Bill } Sykes , of crow-bar notoriety . It is well known to Misttr Bull that his precious nei ghbour has been guilty of burglary and miu der , not to speak of other p leasant sins ; that he is rioting on the proceeds of plunder and assasination ; and , lastly , that he contemplates the commission of further crimes of the same black dye . I& is true Mister Sykes , is a chief among cracksmen , has been voted ! king of thieves' alley , and has under his command a formidable
gang of desperadoes as ruffianly as himself . Mister Bull though not over-scrupulous in matters of trade has a decided distaste for burglary and murder ; moreover he has grown-up sons who should be a match for Sykes ' s ruffians . But he prefers before all things peace and the quiet necessary for the pursuit of his commercial speculations ; and so he smiles blandly upon Mister Sykes , and countenances his crimes . It is easy to foresee the fate of Mister Bull . The degraded mean-spirited accomplice of Mister Sykes , he will end by being added to the list of that ruffian ' s victims .
Apart from principle , policy commands no connexion with Bonaparte . He and his system are both doomed , and even the Times admits must fall , sooner or later : —
" The dangers which threaten , and will one day overthrow his system of government , are inseparable from its own character and composition—the lawlessness of its origin—the stimulants it has applied td speculation in peace and the prizes it may one day offer to the adventures of war—the tricks and the tinsel by which this pantomime of power is converted into the Imperial Government of a great nationthe demands that must one day come upon it for that which it cannot supply—the vengeance that must one day overtake it for the liberties , and rights which it cannot permanently extinguish . "
But the pigs- / ry of p eace-preachers will urge that the non-acceptauce of " the Empire" will lead to war . Possibly so What then ? It is written in the Book of Fate that through blood and tears the nations must work out their salvation . It is written that the false peace which now covers Europe like a funeral pall shall be rent by the thunder bolts of the coining revolution . It is written that England must choose the one side or the other ; that of the people or the despots ; and no longer oscillate between good and evil , right and wrong , duty and expediency . The sooaer the better ! " E'en as a lover hails the dawn
Of a first smile , so welcom d be The sparkle of the first sword drawn For Yengeance , and for Liberty !" Will England accept" the Empire ? " Alas ! I fear official England will . And the People ? Alas ! they will remain quiescent , indifferent , individually execrating Bonaparte , and collectively allowing the * British government to sanction his usurpation and give countenance to his vile rule .
All the People ? No , there will be some who will protest and wash their hands of the guilt of complicity , and the guilt of indifference . How many ? Alas ! too few . What can these few accomplish ? Everything if they possess virtue , resolution , and perseverance . " There is no obstacle to those who will !" In view of the coming empire , let at least the few who love Freedom and their country ' s honour , protest , and repudiate all alliance
with or countenance of the French tyrant—devoted to the justice and maledictions of the world . Let all true men grasp ( in spirit ) the hand of Kepublican France , and swear by the solidarity of nations , and the rights of man , to cement that holy alliance of the peoples , which , in the hour of conflict , shall be strong enough to shatter the cohorts of Tyranny , and on the Ruins of Despotism plant the banner of the Universal Republic . L'AMI DU PEUPLE .
Notices To Correspondents
NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS
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The European Freedom Fond . —John Sketchley , of Hinckley , in a letter accompanying subscriptions for the refugees-acknowledged in another column—writes as follows : — « A word about the subscription for European freedom . My opinion is , that one subscription for the refugees and European ireedom would succeed best . I am glad to see there is to be an attempt to get up a movement in favour of Italy by petitioning Parliament , although I think with you that petitioning alone will be of but little use . It must be followed up by a firm determination on the part of the people that if our rulers will not place England on the side of justice , England also shall become arepubhe . I think , Sir , the following plan might . be adopted , and I believe would succeed . Let petitions be sent to every town where there are friends prepared to exert themselves . Let them explain the state of Italy , and other countries , and show , the necessity of a national subscription to aid the people
of other countries . Let the collectors get pence where they cannot get shillings : and then at the end of a certain time let the subscription be closed and the accounts published . I believe there would be more money obtained that way than by the plan at present in operation . " J . be CoGAtf , Liverpool ,-forwarding a shilling , announced last week , writes :-I send my mite to the European Freedom Fund , as a protest against the vampires of Europe , who have to thank the clemency of the Republicans of ' ¦ iJa ^ been all 0 Wed t 0 wear their heads > much mo ™> their crowns , m iBSi . But , it is hoped that the Red Republicans will take the place of Zl T ^?™ 5 t DeXt UniVflrSal Revolution - I sincerely hope that ail lovers of liberty will contribute their shillings , before the closing of the sub-STo ' ddTn Etpe ^ ° ° ' ^ " ^ ^ ^ ™ athy fOf
Alexander Johnston , Paisley . —The monies are acknowledged under their respective headings in another page . Your noble sentiments make the contnoutions of yourself and friend , the more valuable . Charles Ernest , York ,-forwarding certain monies for the Refugees , acknowledged in another column , observes in reference to the European Freedom I-utmI , _« I hope to see an active movement on the part of th < ntelhgent to arouse their countrymen to duty , and show to the oppressed anc trampled nations of Europe that the people of England are not participator , m the crimes of their rulers , but that we are with them having the earn * hopes , the same aspirations , and the same destiny ; that England has a futur * which she will struggle to realise .
The REFUGEES .-Dear Sir , I have to inform you that Mr . Costine and I , hav . commenced to collect on behalf of the exiles , and although our first attemp has not obtained for them more than a very small trifle in consequence of th Innn ^ ' ^ ST ? ^ T * " ^ ° lleCt tOgether > ™ haVe «»»* h ° peS 0 oon being able o forward a more effective subscription . You would oblig us by giving notice to all the readers of your paper in this town , that we a » now prepared to receive any contributions they may wisn to make on behal of the Exiles , and they would much obh > A i . « w ^ . ^ i ™ * u . :. ^^ * of the Exiles , and they would much oblige us by forwarding their address to
... fhPm ? n ° f + ? ^ ° ° ; ' BrWe ' Esq * ' LiVerp 001 ' and we sh «] 1 <* » "P ™ whit n , TS % ? C 6 iVing their cont ^ utions . We enclose 2 s . 6 d . which we collected on Sunday last . , . _ „„„ . „ Zvl •/"""???! reP 01 Vf KefUg 6 e Commi « ee . Our correspondent U hereby informed that sums above 5 s ., will be best aent per post-order . Wher KCuSir- ""* " > w wn 8 tti ' •^ ssrSrj ^ JKsKf * mMUne hdd - ° >•* »« T Pai £ y ; T ' AL DBUOroiIS - - BecelTC < i *» ' »« «« = % . A . JotaSKM ) P . - 0-. Dumew-ThanSs ; Pltese to formM four full Ma » 8 » .
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232 THE STAR OE FREEDOM . [ November 20 ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 20, 1852, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1705/page/8/
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