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3£mj>m'al ^avliamenu
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€l)avti&t Snteniginte.
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^•tgmal €ovvt0^onnence. ^^_
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" to " h : £ : KD 1 T 0 B of the somnExs stab . ; cm — T £ i « evening , as Mr . Spencer was addressing a . lindens auditory -wto have been accustomed to S ^ to his exposition ol the Seriptarw . every Snnday - ; * j ? 7 » t -Mile E *" 1 Gate > for ^ e ^ two ?* xa ' wbea-^ ih » «* thar ¦ woold permiW tr » o pattcemen came " " tolim and demanded a sight of hia ' license , and S ^ Terr ' ninch ehopfallen vrhen they-were shewn tbe T ^ lmest they asked for . Policeman K 29 aaid , ijjxis is not a HoenBe to preach Chartism , and unles » nreadi some other doctrine , you ahant preach SL- Mr . Spencer replied that be taught those things j ! £ i fee Scriptnres taught , that all men were equal in j STrffht of Gtod . sid that all those differences which jr ^ jliibited in the present state of society , in wiieh j ^ portion were revelling in luxury on the produce ! rfefiier men ' s labour , while those who laboured hard {•¦ reduce for tbeai , not only necessaries , bat luxuries , j a tamper every appetite , were themselves denied tbe i ! L oTseffident even to support their natural existence j ] JL thai own labour , were contrary to the Scriptures , j STeoBtrwy to common sense ; that he believed it to be ti toty to preach that Gospel , and that he would still i " ^ jane to preach at all risks . ! Ifov , Sir , by what power are these men elevated into } l-fres of theology ? There were two other preachers j JJtdigerent doctrine , and who regularly hold forth * rr gnniay . but tfcey were not asked to produce their j fagnei : twt it mast bo acknowledged they are not j tlipBrei by the constant attendance of four policemen , Ljii . Spencer is , and he wonld perhaps feel proud of ] « L distinguished honour if they would inertly confine i SguelTea to taking note * of his teaching for the benefit ] j ^ giaselves and their masters , and not interrupt him , j « j seem so detirous of creating a disturbance , which , Jojever , * & *? " 11 no ' ** * * ° Buceee ^ * & It-ought ' Merer , to be known , that Mr . Spencer preached in ' ¦ ] Lo 1 ni ' parish , within a very short distance of his j gts dwelling- ^ Mle those who are not hunted , but -, Lfia petted by the police , crane from distant parts ,: * ai at P *^ preachers , while Mr . Spencer earns his j jj ^ a by the work of his own hands . j ^^ I am , . I Yours respectfully , James Savage . , Kile Ezi ^' a * Town , j 16 th May , IS 11 . ! i j I | I i ! i i j ' ; ; | i I ; [ ; ; j ' ;
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TO IEE EDITOH OF THE XOETHEEX STAB . jjxis Sib , —HoweTET I may feel it my duty pubfidy t « acknowledge my errors , I am not prepared to fceeome the scape-goat of every man "who may choose te t £ e adT ^ atage of my confessions . In a letter addressed to yourself by Mr . Hollis , of Qidtenhajn , published in last week * Star , that gentlebsb staks that he wrote to head quarters for an expjuaiion concerning the plan of the old mow , I beg Jarre to stste in the columns of the Star , for the satisfieticn of all parties , that I nerer received any commgsaeaHcn from Mr . Hollis on that subject , or any
other ; and often wondered , considering the excellent fectcres thai were at that time deliTered in Cheltenlam—& place -with "which I am "well acquainted—that flay ( the iectarers ? did not establish a sreiety , and ^ jplj for cards , particularly as there "were associations at Worcester , Redditch , Gloucester , Stroud , and other phces in thit part of England . If Mr . Hollis ' s lot fetter received no attention , he might have -written ^ iinJ or addressed the JExecotive throngh the Star . I lure do desire to enter into recrimination , bnt , at the nmc time , I wish it to be understood * that I am deteniiiied to he ais"srerable for no more than my own jrjTifoid sins .
I remain , dear Sir , Tfithont dread of the charge of being servile or fulsome Yours , fcc , WM . Tillmak . Hsicheater , ilay IT , 1 S 4 . 1 .
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^ — THE CORN LAW QUESTION . ' " Yon tnie my tense "when you do take the prop ' Thai doth sustain my house ; you take my life When yen do tike the means -whereby I live . " ¦ Shakespeare . ' The design of sH Government was twofold—1 st To jrotect the people from themselves asd each , other ; > 2 ndly . To protect them from foreign invasion . For ' ¦ these purpc ^ es laws and arms "were instituted . The i wisest and best "were freely chosen to lule the rest , and j fia pwple pursued their labours in peace and confi- i toce . Partiai or remiss goremoia were condemaed or } sapnseded . K tLe bad refused to give place to the ' good , the people rose and made an example of them , for ; they ¦ s-onid not permit their rulers to be above the law '
xsd themselves aloce under it . But if faction proTed { swessfal—if govenorsdegenerated to tyrants—the peo- ; pie" « rere > - \ pressed by the very power which they had ; ffiiiataicfed for iheir protection . Then one part was ' nised to ktep down the other—brother held brother in I tttjactiun , trhiie inisters plundered them . Frea lafeour beciake i , siaTe . G > d help the people that suffered such a Kate of things to come to pass—that did not die ; nihs ttsa yield to the yoke ; for their usurping and ! irreff-oiisibic rulers next made lavs to establish oppres- ; aoa zn& io perpetuate it from gtneratioa to generation . ; Biiiiig bjimd aiid silenced the people , they got priests i to persaadc them that tbe Trill of rcan "was the will of ¦ God , siid naticais -were thtreafter drvided into two eliaws—• ' tjraiits and tynnts' slaves . " I
Segroes kidnapped in Africa , asd sold to be tortured I aud Utked , are not more unjustly treated » ban English- ' aa robbed of their rights ; who innst obey la \ rs which ' . UwyhiTe no voice in making—laws "which enslaTe taem ; j * io are worked "when wanted—starved when not I ¦ nnt ed . ; Tbe diSerer . ce brfweea the white and the black ' » bve is ai « , ; ute : y in favour of the latter- The black ' ** £ . ix leait , born free—he "was born a man , though afterwards broken to a beast The white D ; aa is born a * lsTe , ¦» id 3 t , a ; 2 birthright ; he has his freedom to gain ; SsEsuc : iowi ; s him ; he is not provided for like the i ^ ck , £ sd he is prsTented from providing for him-* = ^ ; Li tEvies \ ht horses and eocs of his oppreisors— : scd eo : -w : ih > ct cacie . Work is given to him as a avoar—t ie -sr-zk -which he does f < . r another . TV as > " > oe eTrr fech a ten" ? Poor -wretch . ' he knows not . tl * eatiK of vhat he feels—he dares not seek the re- ' E * 3 y- Prie ? u tell him that it is the -will of Heaven iiai he ifcoaid s-uStr thus . Lawvers tell him that the
JgEtice -which he exi * rjenoes is Ja" ^ . Must resign msself to tre fite -which they award him ? Must he * teal tie > rvad -which he cau neither bny nor beg ? _ « ast he die of hnn ^ er by tbe way side , or « f starvation a the basVle ?—a quick death or a slow death ? Mnst J * no ; rsther obey ( 3-3 d , who gave him life , and a « d to lire in :- —nature , that says , " Die not while you CO live ?"—reason , that exclaims , " Starve not amid Pjekt ?"—a ^({ jastice , vrhose trumpet-tongue pro-^^ osk thai not the willing working man , but the "fc *» stou : d i ^> : eat * If these inward voices are dis- ' ^ rfed , -will the outward call be obeyed that cries , Sse , uaius regain your rights—recover your lost * i *» ge , oi eat grass and perish ?" jjj ^ «» Ect the pitiable bnt unpitied state to "which ** Toriing man is reduced ? And where is his -wife ? in do
^ ii glau man's work—to unsex herself fur Jf *< i ' : What becomes of their children ? Go and see " «! in the factories : j ^ sifc d-jjs and girls that should be playing in the Bai «* sxe laili ^ g in a frightful mill , kept awake by fear , r ^ beji / id xt = ir st rexgth by torture , and maddened « ime bT misc-rv . Saints , who are horror-struck at Be &ferirgs of negroes and at the sins of idolaters , "' "Cti thciijfcivsE by cruelties too abwninaWe for sl 3 Te-^* s tu true . ice , and "worship idols more hideous J * -Si liiuie in Lt-xhfen lands . Ghildrtn are thrown into ** -crysnus of Moloch , to be rendered into gold for the ~ -o * c of . Mammon . Silkworms are teller cared for . — "f ^ pl ^ -s of Eichines throwing human beings out of ™ P ^ yu * Et : — is it-fii that ought but iron aDd steel ^^ ld be put Bpon such tju > V » » But money is wro ng ~™ tie kuJs aid bodies of the porr with as little re-** as cttal ia nceited from stocea vitvuviu Mbta
. nm ~ - ' ¦"' u o icg Cum Lairs are blamed for those evils ; bnt the ™* Laws ire not the cause of them . They are not of ?® 'went sjro-wth ; they existed pri ^ r to the Co rn : *•*> and are independent of them . In fact the Corn **« ieaa sxreely be called in question . Let us go to " ^ «* of the Batter . e ]? a England was conquered by a bastard , he parr ** a ° at the land among his followers , and the English ^ coapdled to till it for them . Hie descendants of ^ f wreigr-ers still pursiie this plan . Snch was the de-^^ w&i u . d inigery to which the coo qtrered natives were ^ T ?™ » that they were glad to escape from hnsbandiy , to Sfr ^ I * ** rchal and patriotic of all imrsuits , and ftrt J ™ ' 1 ° " ^ , to beoome weavers , or anything rather " T * Kto Krfg . _ r'vCcSS Of t" 1 TT 1 D a -m > tnti /
2 J ^ middle class , whose money power broke the SfcoL ? ' * 6 * ° f tte ^ n ^ S aristocracy , and mill lords $ g £ " ^ - tie prettmcocs of the landlords . Corn was w ^^ apcnrf fr *™ this country : it can now be ^^ eheapir than it is gro wn here ; but not cheaper ^ « « m « d be grown . Rents" are kept up by a pro-^"" T tax on foreien corn , that the landlords may wee sad * . piBe fOT ^^ pjescaref , ^ te Eiuufac-
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| | | | turers hate the landlords with a perfect hatred and w « uld fain " buy &U their corn in Egypt , " in order to ruin the landlords at home . For this purpose , they raise the cry , "Repeal the Corn Laws ! " so say -we , " Repeal the Corn IAws ! " but sot with the hepe of laying enr cnltiyated lands waste , but with the hope of bringing our wastelands into cultivation . The maan . facturers pretend that they cannot afford to pay men the high wages whieh the dear pries of bread requires ; bat they know—the hypocrites—that they are superseding the use of men as fast as they can , by the introduction of machinery ; and that they get men for half the wages they formerly paid them . The agricultural and manufactoring interests depend upon each other ; bat each seeks its self aggrandisement at the expence of the other . Whan goods ' are supplied faster than , the demand , and there is no market for them , the manufacturers—who dread foreign competition , and are in a hurry to make large fortunes— . blame the Corn Laws , like thegld man who said that Tenterden steeple was the cause of Goodwin Sands , because he had never heard of those Bands until that steeple -was built Their own selfishness is to blame ; but , like Shylock , when balked tbe gratification of their evil passions , they exclaim— " The curse never fell upon our nation till now—tee never felt it till now . " Like the oneeyed stag , they watch thejind , and turn a blind eye to the danger that threatens them from the sea ; for , if they could succeed in extirpating the " bold peasantry " at home , wkat defence could they maintain against a foreign enemy ? Both landlords and mill lords tate a wrong or pei-Tersely obstinate view * of the subject Mill lords , in wishing to import all their food from abroad—landlords , in refusing to supply it cheaper at home . Repeal the Corn Laws—d © away with a monopoly that only protects idleness , and corn will soon be grown as cheap in England as it is in Poland . Bat the landlords sit at the head ef ^ affairs—they are secure in their own possessions , and will not so much as suffer an inquiry to be made into the evils complained of by the manufacturers . The landlords carry their heads en high like those overtopping flowers which Tarquinius decimated . The only method o ! reducing them to reason is by the help of the people ; but the people are not so simple as they used to be . The middle classes could formerly conjure np the power of the people to frighten the aristocracy ; but now the people will not come at their call—they bad as lief lie under the tyranny of the landlords as under that of the xiill-lords ; bat they are resolved to remain no longer under either—they claim their own rights—! they demand their Charter . ' They have too often done ; the work of the factions and been cashiered—they will henceforth work only for themselves—their own cause . is the best—it is the cause of alL The middle classes see that their- day of cajolery has gone by , and they are frantic with rage snd relation . The Corn Laws cannot and ought not to be repealed / until justice becomes law ; it will be time enough then , : and that will be when the People ' s Charter becomes law . Let the Corn Laws be the first laws repealed ; after the Charter is passed . We are convinced that ' more husbandmen -would then be employed , and we : have no wish to see the poet ' s lines realised—; " trade's unfeeling train i Usurp the land and dispossess the swain . "
I As the manufacturers have been necessitated to ransack their brains for new inventions , to extend their ; trade into every land , so , if the farmers were likewise I thrown into the field of foreign competition , they would \ make every portion of uncultivated land available for the purposes ef hnsbandry . No more talk of emigrai tion!—no more complaint ef increase of poer rates !—plenty of work would be- found by all who seek it 5 Talk of a surplus population!—that is to lay thit blame : on Providence which belongs to man . God is not in . fault England might be made to produce double the - food needed by all Englishmen .
i There are millions of acres that lie waste—millions that are laid out in unprofitable pleasure-groundsmillions that might be made to produce fourfold . i What right have the rich to deny the poor sustenance 1 from their otrn soil ? To send them to the antipodes fOT fobd ? Foxes and hares are bred for the sport of titled men , on lands that would feed the patriot-poor ; —rabbits feed on crops that would feed many famish-. ing familits . . Should the poor man take one , he is ; taken-for it An insolent , ignorant , and arrogant aris-; tocracy have all , and keep all . If an honest labourer ; seek to enclose a piece of common , he is forbid by the squire , -who encloses it himself—who adds it to a ; large farm , " so that from him who hath nothing
is taken even that which he hath , and given to him : who already hath too much . Should the labourer succeed in appropriating a piece of waste ground , the parson immediately c * mes , and claps his ten claws \ upon it for tithe . It may be seven years before tbe , land yields any benefit to its cultivator , but the parson , ] who stands idly by , counts the produce of every year ' s 1 labour , and takes his tenth from tho first And what is his pretence ? He has the care of the labourer ' s j soul . ' " May the devil give him good of it ! " prays ' the plundered peasant Oh , if the parson and lawy « r . could be kept ont , as well as the polecat and the fox ,-! but there are no mantraps for these .
Those who tell the poer to emigrate should be told t © do so themselves—those who would force the poor to expatriate themselves , should themselves be made to do so . - "What right has idleness to deny labour its reward—and pride to deprive life of its land ? The right of might alone . Our native soil is the fittest for u ?—we belong to it , and it belongs to us . It is God ' s gift , appointed to us at our birth by Providenceanother soil is net suited tons , and is tenanted by its own appropriate people . Quit not your native soil in obedience to the wishes of its us just possessors—remain at boine and regain your rights . " The people shall E > "J 0 T THE 1 B OWN AGAIN . "" W-( To be concluded in our ncxL J
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m [ ADVERTISEMENT . ] TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . If not victimised in gaol , I am left to perish from princij : Its I still hope to see carried out , by advocating the rights of the labouring classes to live by their labour . For this have I found enemies in masters and men ; the latter have I found to succeed—invariably the niost deadly foes I have had to contend against I have been told to get my breadby my Chartism , having five children , destitute of support I trust you will not withhold your aid from one -who has relieved others . Your ' s , respectfully , ¦ * Rd . Medceoft , No . 1 , Trinity Court , Trinity Lane , Queenhithe .
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THE SIXTY OUNCE INGOT , OR BAR PLAN , OF THE LATE DAVID RICARDO , ESQ . " Et Qenus , et / ormam , reglnapecunia donai . " David once with a sliag Witness Roths—d and such Made Go ! iah ' s head ring , Who the gold fain would Bat David Ricardo clutch , At least -would aa far go , And have it ' cunning elves i E'en the slinger surpass In a lump to themselves . With gc bars in a mass , To insure which sly trick Tho' lon ^ , ; Ece be be dead And all law folk to nick , And from Stock Exchange The whole hog they would sped go To crave the full discount With defunct Ricardo ; On his final account ; For though not in their line For he to directors , To drive bargains in swine ,
Our -wealthy protectors , Such blades have at corn-Left a notable scheme maud Thfcirfiashnotes to redeem , The choice fat of the land , And bar out the rabble Acd -whenever they hie From makii-g a sqanbble , To the Threadneedle sty And from draining theBank Never get , it is clear , Of its gold ( a fine prank i ; The wrong » ow by the ear . Whan the gold , it is dear , Tius the men of the bar Bankers make it appear Shew themselves above par , All belongs to rich men Than dwarf serpents mote Who grow fat by the pen— wise , That is , who are thriving They appear to our eyes By rapid quill driving To shine as the victors And stock speculation Of boa-constrictors . In this and that nation ; Btsisii £ S .
" I like the Bank of England to be the head Bank , to have all the specie under their care , and all tiie issues , and to be as liberal of money as they can . It is these little people that drain the country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . "—Evidence of N . M . Rothschild to Parliamentary Committee , 2 it / i June , 1832 . - " The talent of that gentleman ( the late Divid Ricardo ) was of the highest order , and his loss greatly to be regretted . Perhaps there never -vras an idea more deserving of consideration , than his plan for a circulation of notes convertible into ingots of gold or Eilver , and it would have been vre ! l for the country , had tbe government of bis day given the subject mature consideration , prior to the issue of geld coin , aud forming that metal ss our standard of value . "—/ . H . Palmer , Esq . a Bank Director , 1 S 37 .
Mr . J . H . Palmer seems to think as little of the exceeding villany asd terrific consequences of adopting the sixty ounce bar plan o ! the defunct Stotk Exchange speculator , as a fox-hunticg joint stock banker does of the risk to Lis owe neck in leaping a five-barred gate . In fact , the bar scheme is a Jacobinical conspiracy to swell out bank dividends , to banish the gold coin , bearing the tffiey of our Kings and QueeD * from the realm , to rob the Qneen and her « n « e ** ors-of the right ot coining money of ascertained -weight and fineness , and to substitute a barefaced permanent assignat system of paper currency . Such a plot concocted by a class of men who are continualiy TEunting their own superior Wealth snd -wisdom , ought lo be crushed at once by a
prosecution on the part of tbe Attorney-General ; for what more insidious plot , than one which wonld uproot all the ancient monetary regulations of the country , acd that too after the Parliament had congratulated the people on their return to the ancient metallic money , and had warned them against tampering -wiUi the wise institutions of their forefathers ? If a Cbaitist or Socialist , er any political party , the designation of which ends in ist or ism , had preponnded such a scheme , tbe country would' have resounded with the phrases , " deep laid plot for the subversion of property , " " insidious bio * aimed at tbe ] tj . ro / ative of the Crown , " . " daring attempt to involve \ h- cv ^ muni ; y in anarchy and confusion , " & « , ; and . it
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is more than probable that ^ evan the patriot hanker , Daniel O'Connell , Esq ., forgetting his own partiality for high inflated paper prices , which he recorjJed . ia a letter to the people of IrelatfS , wouldiii&rie ofifcredto aid her Majesty with a hundred thousand of his " rint " paying bodyguard , to crash in the bud suoh a monstrous invasion of her rights , and those of her subjects . Perhaps , however , the Attorney General may be shy in taking any hostile steps against the conspirators'in the back pirlour , as he maybe a bank-stock proprietor himself ; but if he forbear , it will only fnrnish one m 6 re to the many proofs we hare , that , in this country , " one man may steal a horse , while another dare not look over a hedge . "
N . B . —Any wealthy person , with £ 233 12 * . 6 d . * in bank notes , might , under the plan in question , demand from the bank CO ounces in bar gold , bo that ihe honest scheme would effectually prevent the great Dons of the paper debt market from being elbowed by " these little people that drain the country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . " Will the Papyrists try the efficacy of their plan ? If they do , ( and they are powerful in the Legislature , ) it will ultimately strengthen the cause of the Chartists ; and the writer , for one , would rather live under the domination of the latter , than under the ruthless sway of a tribe of false money manufacturers . * Sixty times £ 3 17 a . 10 Id . Nottingham , 15 th May , 1841 .
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MR . PETER HOEY . TO THE GENEROUS CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . An imperative duty demands thct we call upon you to render assistance to our tried friend Mr . Hoey , who , we feel bound to say , deserves your utmost aid at this moment We firmly believe that it is only necessary to make public the distressing particulars of his case , to cause you to rush , as one man , to furnish the means required for his present emergency . You are too well aware that it was for advocating your rights , at well as bis own , that he drew down upon his devoted bead the united vengeance of both the plundering { actions of this town , who obtained for him a place in the Whig
hell-hole at Wakefield . The treatment which our beloved friend received from his torturers has brought him to a very ruinous state of bodily health , besides a very bad leg , which dreadful state ot bodily affliction was , no doubt , the principal reason of the base and bloody brutals ( as O'Connell says ) liberating-their victim before he was Claytonized . Ever since he was liberated from the mad-house , he has been under a course of medicine , with little or no success . His medical attendants have advised that our friend Hoey should go to his native town ( Drogheda , in Ireland ) to make trial of his native air , and to drink the salt waters . Unless that course is taken , great fears are entertained that amputation of the sufferer ' s leg will be necessary to preserve to him his life .
Brother Chartists , —We call upon you , then , to come forward with your mites at once , to enable the Barnsley Committee to send our victimized brother to Drogheda for two months , to make trial of the doctor ' s advice , where no doubt he will be as serviceable in the cause of democracy as ever he was wont to be in this country . We are , Your Brothers in the cause of Chartism , Frank Mirfield , George Uttley , William Norton , John Valance , John Field , James TJttley , John Shaw , David Leech , John Fsbthwell .
All persons -wishing to contribute will oblige us by remitting it to the Star office , Johk Field , Secretary . Barnsley , May ICth , 1841 .
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SHALL THERE BE AN " ENGLISH CHARTIST CIRCULAR ? - " And a voice was heard , saying ' Paul , Paul , why persecutest theu me ?"' We earnestly entreat the attention of out readers to the following : —
To the Editor of the English Chartist Circular . SIR ., —In consequence of a difference ( not a division ) which now exists in the Chartikt ranks relative to Lovett's plan of organisation and the Manchester plan , many persons foolishly threaten the English Chartist Circular with annihilation . ' Now , Sir , this proves that men are objects of perscution merely because there happens to be a difference of opinion as to the best mode of obtaining the Charter . I contend that such a difference ought not to be the cause of a malicious persecution of a work similar to the Char . tisl Circular , got up as every one must know at an enormous expence , continued at a weekly loss , and sold at one halfpenny only ! for tbe purpose of disseminating the
principles of Chartism more widely . Such a work requires at least a -weekly circulation of 20 or 30 00 » before it can pay its own way ; and if from foolish motives it is invidiously attacktd , the circulation must fall off , and ultimately become extinct , which , instead of becoming a triumph to tbe persecutors , it would be a glorious triumph to the enemy , who dislike the spread of cheap democratic knowledge among the people , I hope the silly idea of crushing th « English Chartist Circular will be abandoned by those who diflVr with Lovett and others . And here let it be observed that Lovett is not the editor as many suppose . I will give it or any other publication of the same nature my warmest support Where is the use of my acquiring
political information , if I have not the facilities such as you afford me of giving the world the benefit of my studies and researches ? Sir , so long as you continue to publish , will I contribute articles to your columns , trusting to your judgment for their insertion . Though the stamp laws prohibit political remarks upon passing events , and justly-roerited censures upon some of our M . P . ' s and officers of state , black tottles , Sunday flogging , ami such like articles found in newspapers , from being inserted in your columns , yet an article written with carw I have no doubt meets a ready admission in your Circular . I remain , Your obedient servant , R . J . RlCHAEDSON . Salfortl , near Manchester , April 2 S , 1 S 41 .
[ Thanks to Mr . Richardson for his very friendly notification—thanks for the assurance that " so long as we continue to publish , will he contribute articles to our columns . " We bad thought that to contend against the prejudices of declared antagonists of " Eqaal rights and iqual laws , " and to infuse something like animation into lukewarm friends , now cradled in ignorant supineness , -was difficulty enough for us to conquerbut \ chtn to this is added the misconceptions of a porti » n of those v » ho are " bone of our bone , and flesh of our Utah , " -we are in very truth oppressed with exceeding great sorrow . What have we done to deserve the enmity—what to call for our " annihilation" at the hands of Chartists ? We dare affirm—nothing ! Point us an article , —nay , but a solitary passage , in any one number of the Circular , that the most enthusiastic Democrat need be angered at ? We reiterate that we aTe unconscious of , —nor do -we ftar that the moBt microscopic vision can discern any such passages !
> V hence originates then the dissatisfaction so bitterly bewailed by us ? Doubtless from , we must say , the no less strange than erroneous supposition on . the part of the brether Democrats alluded to by Mr . Richardson , that , 1 . The Circular is but the organ of a section of the Chartist army ,- and 2 . That it is conducted ae such by Mr . Lovett Now , as regards the first , we have in a previous number disclaimed all connection -with either sections or individuals . We seek but to promote lhe happiness , and humbly to diffuse a knowledge of those eternal principles of justice , by -whose triumph alone can we
hope to win a glorious freedom for all . It is painful to feel necessitated t » repeat our most solemn asseveration that it has ever been our studious aDxiety to keep aloof from every topic that would seem to savor of controversy , or engender personalities . The name of Chartist has always been a sure passport to our regard . On no occasion have -we deviated from this fraternal feeling in deciding upon the many communications with which we have heretofore , and hope again , to be favoured . Was the article transmitted such as our judgment believed Would strve the " good cause" —if so , its insertion was at ouce decided , without question as to whether its writer was a member of this or that association .
We must also declare that Mr . Lovett kasnst , and never had any further connection with the English Chartist Circular , than that of Correspondent . The communications of Mr . L . depended as much as those of arjy other correspondent upon the acceptation or rejection of the de facto Editor . What is th ^ name bo rne by the ac tual Editor cannot surely be of the slightest import , so that he perform well his duty to the publication entrusted to his care . That is his sole ambition , and / despising the " bubble reputation" he looks for his best reward in the Becure
establishment of the Circular itself . But let no man imagine ttat he ia a mere hireling scribe . No , this is to him " a labour of love , " of devotion to tbe sacred cause of the world ' s redemption from the hell-born powers of darkness and despotism . He would fain believe that those who have known him personally , can witness that he has been no idler , that he has cheerfully Biade some few sacrifices , and endured not a little without quailing . If a William Lovett have grasped his band , so also has a Bronterre O'Brien " many a time and oft" proclaimed hifn—friend .
Thus much for the English Chartist Circular , its true objects , and its Editor . Less we could not say , nor do we feel inclined to add more than that we ask not favour from , any man , but justice from all who bo&st the title of Chartist It is fot them to decide whether after an enormous sum has been sunk upon the C ircular , it shall rjow perish . Let them , however , we entreat , take good heed that they , the advocates of truth and demandtrs of justice , do not countenance falsehood and injustice to us . Let them judge the CircvLar according
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: to its own me ' rits L or demerits , and not denounce it fot "differences , " which its Editor deplores , and with : whi ^/ * 9 ^ r i « noj , otherwise connected . If , a truly ^ honest and afoeise verdict is returned , we will submit without reproach ; but if we fall a victim to passion and misrepresentation , we shall have good cause < tf complaint Now , brother democrats , what say you ? •/ shall there be an English CharlUi Circular f—Ed KngtUh Chartist Circular . ]
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TO CABINET-MAKERS ( EXTRAORDINARY . Wanted immediately , some skilful hands to pat in order a rery carious oa 6 ine * , the workmanship of -which has been in a disabled and ricketty state for some months past- ¦ ¦' .... ¦ ¦ •" . - - . ¦ . '¦" . . ' :. ¦ ¦ - It is n . ot Tery ancient , having been put together only about fiye years ago , since which period it has experienced many changes in several of its most important departments , no alteration having been productive of the ( lightest permanent benefit , This cabinet is composed of fourteen important parts , termed by the craft , "Ministers , " which are so contrived as to fit very closely together , and made to go in and ont by a secret and influential spring , whenever it is applied for that purpose .
It is also adorned with an abundance of little wooden figures resembling men of different ages , habited in the costume of the present day . AH these automata are new within a few years , and have been manufactured at a vast expence . These figures , by a secret touch of the main spring , axe so contrived as to utter and emit sounds like tbe speech of human creatures , and may be made to change their notes , and sing in quite a different key merely by shifting their places . The loading the puppet with coin will also occasion it to move any way it may be directed . It is worthy cf remark that the main spring of the whole cabinetlB ao exquisitely contrived that the slightest touch even of a child or a female is sufficient to put it in motion and direct all its movements .
Owing to recent unlooked for accidents t \ x \ a cabinet has lost many of its customary supporters , and has been thrown into confusion , and consequently has become unable to perform its movements and functions . Several cabinet-mukeri have been consulted as to its repair , but on account of its complicated machinery none have yet been able to agree in what is necessary to be done . The most eminent , however , are of opinion that it ought to be completely taken to pieces and a new cabinet formed . Whosoever will undertake to pnt the same into complete repair without taking it to piects , or looking at the works by which the secret spring is regulated , and vrhick must on no account be touched , may apply at the office of the proprietor , Misa Victoria Guelph , Queen ' s Buildings , Buckingham Palace . —Satirist . ^—
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HOUSE OF LORDS—Friday , May 14 . Lord WhaRncliffe presented several petitions from Liverpool , Manchester , Norwich , and other places , complaining of tbe present state of the marriage law with respect to marriages with the sister of a deceased wife . The Noble Lord believed that such marriages tended to promote morality and domestic happiness , as no woman was more likely to superintend a family of young orpha . ua with cate aud affection than the Bister of their deceased mother . Tho Bishop of London pronounced himself strongly against any alteration of the law in this respect Lord Melbourne presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Church Rates * The House adjourned .
Mondey , May 17 . The Exchequer Bills Bill , the Excise Collection and Management Bill , and the Banking Co-partnerships Bill , were severally read a third time and passed . Several petitions were presented for and against any alteration in the Corn liaws . A number of petitions against any alteration , presented by the Duke of Rutland , led to some discussion upon the policy , as well as upon the results consequential upon the enactment of those laws , in which Earl Fitzwilliam , the Earl of Ripon , the Duke of Rutland , the Earl of Stradbroke , the Duke of Wellington , the Earl of Radnor , Lord Ellcnborough , and Lord Ashburton took part Tbe latter Noble Lord , in the course of his speech , attacked the Government for having taken measures , by means of their officers , to excite agitation throughout tbe country upon the subject of the Corn Laws .
The Earl of Clareniion roaa to give the most unqualified contradiction which the forms o £ ; the House would admit of , to the charge made by the Nsble Lord , that they had excited agitation against the Corn Laws . ' Some reflections pronounced by the Earl of Wicklow on the conduct of Viecquat Melbourne , who had left tho House , produced a -warm rejoinder from the Marquis of Notmariby , in the course of which he stated that every item of tbe Government plan respecting the import duties was decided upon long before Easter , and was not the result of anything which had feince occurred . . : Some petitions against the Corn Laws were presented by Earl Fitzwilliam , and their Lordships adjourned .
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HOSUE OF jCOMMONS . —Friday , May 14 . After thev-presentation of some petitions , and the trai faction of some general business , the House proceeded with the adjourned debate on the Sugar Duties . ' ' . . '¦ ' : ' . ¦ ' "¦ . - ¦' . ¦ ¦ ¦ - . -- ¦¦ Mr . P . Ho WA * D contended fotr the admission of alavegrown augar , on the ground thai the supply of our own colonies was . likdy to be insufficient He approved of the principles of the Budget , and gave credit to Ministers for & lofty disregard of tbe emoluments of office , and he morwver announced his conviction that , on an appeal to the country , the people would respond to the views of the Government He believed that the opposition , if they succeeded to office , would adopt the Very project they now resisted -r bat he wished to see it carried oat by Reformers , not by Conformers , and be trusted , at all events , that Ministers would not resign without a dissolution . '
Mr . Alderman Copk&ami bore testimony to the general feeling of mercantile men against this Budget , as deeply injurious to the eonimerce of the country . Sir H . Vivian observed , that people who professed their general belief in the principles of free trade were often found to desire an exception for their own case . He commented upon the evils of the existing Corn Laws ; and illustrated them by quoting an opinion expressed by thegunmakers of Birmingham , that they ceuld not compete with those of Belgium while the Corn Laws continued to keep up the price of bread , which was the standard of wages . He was as zealous as any man in his hatred of slavery ; bathe did not consider himself inconsistent in endeavouring to increase the general consumption of sugar . There would be no colonial sugar displaced , if , as be expected would happen , consumption would be imreased so far as to absorb a quantity of Brazilian sugar in addition to the colonial .
Sir C . Douglas , after an elaborate attack on the Imports Committee , said , he claimed for the " great Tory patty" the merit of having been at all times opposed to slavery . To prove this , he read extracts from letters from Lord Castlereaeh , written about the time of the Congress of Vienna , in which his Lordship urged that the Great . Powers should exclude from their markets the produce of those countries which , after a reasonable time , refused to abolish the slave-trade . Sir H . PaBNELL defended the conduct of the Imports Committee . He next reviewed tbe working of the Corn Laws , which he described as a burdensome tax , that brought nothing into the Exchequer . With regard to the subject more immediately under discussion , he said that the West India colonies , when relieved from the commercial restrictions under which they had themselves laboured , would be perfectly able to compete with other sugar-growing countries .
Sir Eardlev Wilmoi would not take one step to serve the West India interests ; but he should oppose the proposals of Government , because he thought them calculated to promote the slave trade . Mr . H . F . Berkeley thought it was yet too soon to expose Tree labour in the West Indies to the competition of slave labour . Of the general principles on which the Budget was based he approved ; and at no Tery distant time he believed the colonies would -be equal to any competition to which they might be exposed .
Mr . J . Parker , said he stood in that House as the representative of the non-elective part of the population , as well as his own constituents , and he was determined to do every thing in his power to obtain for them cheap bread , cheap sugar , and all the other necessaries of life , as cheap as they could be had consistently with the exigencies of the revenue . Alluding to the attempts to get up a cry of humanity on the question of the sugar duties , Mr . Parker expressed a conviction that an opinion was rapidly gaining ground among tbe public that the real humanity of the case was entirely on tbe side of the Government Several of the provincial Associations for the Abolition of Slavery bad already protested against the conduct of the London Committee , and on that very day be had heard that a spirit of insubordination had manifested itself even in Exeter Hall . He regretted to see an anti-commercial spirit so strong among the Hon . Gentlemen opposite .
Mr . D'Israeli endeavoursd to show that the value of the commerce of Brazil had been much overrated , and made it matter of complaint that more attention had not been paid to Mexico and the other ex-colonies of Spain , where slavery no longer existed . The complaints now made of commercial decline were only the continuation of those which had always been put forward , from the time of Walpole to the present day . His own belief was that our commercial greatness , so far from being on the wane , had not yet attained its meridian splendour . Sir H . Verney spoke in support of the Budget , and looked to the proposals of Government , if agreed to , for new openings to British commerce .
Mr . Kemble maintained that to lower the duties on foreign sugar would be to undo all that had been done by the Emancipation Act . The proposals of the Government were in themselves ill-timed , and presented a most unfavourable account of the financial administration of the party who had now been in po-wer for eleven years . The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out the inconsistency of those who tiered so strenuous an opposition to the reduction of tuo Sugar Duties . They insisted , on the one hand , that he would derive ne revenue from foreign sugar , and , on the other band , that the country would be inundated by an overwhelming importation of sugar grown by slave labour . One of these positions must be wrong . If there -was a large
importation there must be a corresponding revenue ; whereas , if no revenue were obtained there could be no importation , and , consequently , no injury to the colonial growers . But the fact was , that he gave to the Colonists a protection of 50 per cent , which would secure them from injury by leaving them a fair and remunerating price . To the consumer , at the same time , he secured a supply in case of an extravagant rise in the price of colonial sugar . The Right Hon . Gentleman contended that the arguments of his opponents , that his proposal was ill-timed , yrer& disproved by their own statements , when they saiil that tho supply from our Colonies was likely to ke ao abundant as to render the proposed measure a dead letter . He expressed a conviction that some degree of competition would
be beneficial to the cause ot free labour , to which the same principle might be applied as to every other branch of trade . NothiDg could be more injurious , as had been well observed by Mr . Huskisson , than to bolster up any species of trade or industry by prohibition . Tiie Chancellor of the Exchequer ridiculed the pretensions to humanity by -which his proposals bad been met To object to receive Brazil sugar , lest by doing so encouragement be given to the Slave Trade , was futile , so long as we sold our manufactures to the Brazilians , and took their sugar in return . We did not ourselves consume that sugar , but while we took it , and sold it in foreign markets , we encouraged slavery just as much as if we consumed it at home . Viewing the question in a financial point of view , the Right Hon . Gentleman said he had proposed a Bcheme
by ¦ which he believed the difficulties of the country would be obviated , without imposing fresh burdens on the people . If he was wrong , let those opposed to him point out the means by which the crisis should be met . Such had bten invariably the conduct of Mr . Huskisson , of Lord Spencer , and Lord Ashburton , when in opposition . The debate had now lasted a week , and he would defy friend or foe to gay on what principles the Opposition -would shape their course when they came into power . This was , no doubt , politic , if the only object was to keep together the great party by whom be was opposed ; but it was not tha good old practice . The Right Hon . Gentleman concluded by expressing a belief that the policy now recommended by the Government must be eventually adopted , whatever party might be in power . The debate was then again adjourned till Monday .
Monday , May 17 . The adjourned debate on the cugar duties was resumed by Sir C . Grey , who supported the Government propositions , and was followed by Mr . Ainsworth , Mr . Hodges , ( who took exception to tbe fixed duty on Corn , ) Mr . Trotter , Mr . W . Roche , Mr . Tnfnell , Mr . G . H . Cavendish , Mr . Strutt , Mr . M . Philips , Mr . Barron , Mr . W . Williams , xMr . T . Duncombe , ( who made an excellent speech , ) and Mr . Briscoe , Mr . Stay the , Mr . Matthew , and Sir B . Hall , spoke in opposition . Mr . Muntz said the really houest course would be to lay on a property tax , both on land and money , and to repeal a proportionate quantity of the indirect taxation which presses heavily on the poor . Mr . Siiiel moved the adjournment of the debate until Tuesday .
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SOTETHWICK . —TheTriumphof Truth . —Corn Law Repealers Defeated . —A public meeting was called at the Talbot Inn , at this village , on Monday last , for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for a Repeal of the Corn Laws , when a deputation from West Bromwich attended to speechify upon them , and amongst them the Rev . W . Stokes . As soon as it became known that the cheap bread criers were going to hold a meeting , two working-men came over to Birmingham to procure help , and if possible to prevent the people from being deceived by such hambugs , when , Mr . T . P . Green , and Mr . W . JDean Taylor , were appointed to go , to give battle to the Repealers ; prior to the . meeting commencing , Min Barratt lighted the candles on the rostrum , an-d while there took occasion to turn the portrait of toe Queen , which hung over the mantel-piece , facf , to
the wall ; immediately , upon the arrival of bis Reverence and friends , they proceeded to niove a . Mr . Downing aa chairman , when the Chartists moved as an . amendment . thatMr . Seagrave takethechair . The amendment was Icarried by a great majority , after which the Rev . Mr . W . Stokes got up to rjovethe first resolution , which was . as follows : —*• That all laws which ; interfere with the importation of the necessaries of life are opposed ialike to sc nnd policy and national prosperity , because they affr , rd an undue protection to th « landowners , to . the . n > anufacturing portion of the community , and whilst they sacrifice tho commercial interests of the coun ' try , they afford bo real protection to the agriculfurists . " "That the Corn Laws are opposed' to the , sacred principles of religion and morality , by preventing that , intercourse between nations wKion " Providence , by bestowing upoa one country what , it has denied to ano-
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ther , evidently intended should be the means of promoting 'Peace on earth and good will to men . '" " That the Corn Laws are peculiarly oppressive to the working portion of 8 oeiety , far whiljtfHoly Writ declares' Thatthelabonrerer is worthy of-iishire / these . restrictive , Jaws haye . a direct tendency to prevent the fair remuneration of labour byTaising the price of provisions , whifet'they choke up the springs of industry . " Now , this waa originally three separate resolutions , but finding the Chartists prepared to shew fight , they determined to move them as one . The old hackneyed arguments of repealers , which have been a thousand times told , were retailed here , but with great ability and considerable tact , and , as usual , pity for the workers , was the moving cause
of the appearance of his Reverence that ey . ning . He spent considerable time in shewing hiB ability tomake black appear white ; and , ia so doing , stum bled upon the confession that he was an advocate for universal right and Universal Suffrage . Mr . Jones seeonded the resolution , who did anything but aid the cause ho had espoused ; bat , as far aa personalities and ill temper coold do so , he was mighty valiant in its defence : A plain labouring Derbyshire man tbea moved an amendment as follows : — " That this meeting considers the Whig scheme of a partial repeal of the Corn Law duty as one of trick , and fraud , for the purpose ot keeping themselves in office to perpetuate national plunder ; and this meeting will not acknowledge the House of Commons as
at present constituted to be the veritable representative of tho population of this country ; nor the House of Lords any thing else than a house of territorial aristocrats ; and farther , this meeting considers it folly and madness to expect any redress of the grievances of the industrious- classes , until the People ' s Charter be the permanent basis of the constitution of this country . " He remarked , that he thought it was wondrous fine to talk about repealing the Corn Lavs , but what would be the condition of the farmers , unless their high rents were repealed also 1 He also clearly pointed out the manner in which it would drive the agricultural labourers into the manufacturing towni ; and concluded by giving them a broadsider upon their inconsistency .
amidst tbe laughter and cheers of the people . — Mr . W . De&n Taylor , Chartist lecturer , then got up to second the amendment . He appeared there not as a lover of Corn Laws . He did not believe they were either holy , just , or gool ; but , though he was convinced that any tax upon food , was in itself wicked and base , . yet he was also well assured that the Corn Laws could not be repealed without a decided change in Government . Mr . Stokes had said we must first know the disease before we could know the cure ; he , therefore , contended that the cause of the miseries of the people had not been shown . The question was , whether the passing of the Corn Law had produced all the misery and want of this country . If it had , then
its repeal would , of course , take it away . But if the passing of the Corn Law had not produced the whole of the evil , then its repeal would not remove it , or impart permanent peace or prosperity to the country —( hear)—on the contrary , he was prepared to show that its repeal at present , and by itself , would not only fail to give domestic peace or national prosperity , but that it would produce real evil and greater distress . It had been stated , that before the passing of the Corn Laws the people could purchase food at remarkably low prices ; when , it was a fact that , in 1803 , the quartern loaf was lid ., and in 1812 , 20 d . was paid , and tha 5 these two periods were both prior to the passing of this iniquitous law ; while it was well known that in 1841
the same quantity could bo purchased for 7 id , and this while the Corn Law was in existence . Much had been said about the great orders that would come to this country , and make the labour market prosperous . But he wished to a * k , what would be the effect if machinery was introduced to perform it instead of human labour ! Numerous authorities could be brought to show , from- among the Repealers themselves , to show , without doubt , that they were well satisfied that nothing but improved machinery could ever enable them to maintain their position in the market , the meaning of which was , that there must be less hand labour , and consequently the labour market more glutted than it was . He would also ask if this tremendous power of invention
was to go on bo as only to require mere overlookers , how it would be possible to keep up our wages , when our wages depend on the scarcity of our numbers , and when the population is continually increasing . He clearly pointed out the impossibility of competing with foreigners who manufacture to a great extent , who grow their own material , who are not burdened with taxes as we are , without we al « o come down to their low wages , which a repeal of the Corn Laws by themselves would speedily bringabout . He then referred to the exportation of machinery , that the countries expected to give us corn for goods , had tbe first and best machinery , English mechanics and workmen—in fact , whatever was superior in British manufactures and machinery ,
they had them ; besides could any man inJiis senses expect those countries to throw away their machinery , buildings , and capital , for the sake of ploughing , sowing , reaping , &c , to please the manufacturers of this country—k was monstrous to suppose it . They were told the Corn Laws were injurious to the manufacturing interests ; -but they must always understand that to mean the interests of the masters , not the workmen . It was not a Corn Law Repeal that was wanted , but a labour repeal , and an increase of wages . . Englishmen worked too much already ; in fact they had worked for the world , and a few had reaped the benefit ; and now the masters had eaten up all the produce of the manufacturing operatives , they were resolved to
gormandize and gulp down their ungodly throats the land and its produce too . It was well known that a cotton spinner , thirty years ago , would earn three times as much with two hundred and fifty or three hundred spindles , as he can now produce with one thousand , or from that to two thousand two hundred r-pindles ; it was also known that the increase in speed was such , that where some spindles only revolved fifty times per minute , that they perform from four thousand to five thousand revolutions in the same period of time . How , then , can the labour-market ever be made prosperous again by the repeal of the . corn , or in fact , by the repeal of any other laws , . until we labour for ourselves only and turn our attention to the cultivation of our
country . Mr . Taylor then informed them that there were 30 , O § 0 :, O 0 O of acres of land fn this country comparatively waste , and yet we wanting corn from others . Of all kinds of insanity , this appeared the worst ; he laid before the Repealers such a number of facts and with such a power of argument that they appeared completely « hop fallen , and concluded by showing the Charter must be the law of tho land . Mr . T . P . Green then got up to support the amendment , when he very clearly pointed out the part the clergy had taken in the matter , and that if they had wanted a repeal they would have got it , and if they wanted the Charter they could also have got it ; he gave the black slugs as he termed them a regular drubbing . He sat down and
Mr . Benjamin Hill arose also to support tho amendment , in doing which he showed that bread was as dear long before the war without Cora Laws as it was now . ( Hear , hear , hear- ) Ho also explained in a very able manner the expense of freightage for , corn to this country , the damages ifc was liable to , aud . that it could not possibly be brought to this country , leaving profit out of the question , without being as dear or dearer than we can produce it at home ; he supported the amendment because he was resolved that the enemy should not slip through our fiagers by cunningly keeping another resolution back , and thereby slide us out of the field , and publish it as having passed . He did his work iiko a true Chartist , he stood to his post . Now Mr . Hill is a member of the Christian Chartist Church , and in supporting this amendment , he was opposing Mr . O Neil , hie Pastor , who would not go for the amendment , but for the original motion , and
this , a professed , leader of Chartists . Mr . Hill , howover , would not be juggled out of the victory , nor give an inch to the repealers , but opposed Mr . O'Neil to his face . Mr . O'Neil then said he thought the original resolution ought to be carried , and an amendment attached to it to make it perfect , thus giving the repealers a victory over Chartism . He also stated that as we would not do this , he would vote for both ; others could please themselves . The amendment , of course , was put and carried by aa overwhelming majority . The resolution was also put , when about fourteen bands were held up in its avour , by Corn ^ L aw repealers , amongst whom was Mr . O'Neill . Three cheers were then given for O'Connor and the S / or , three for the exiles , and prisoners , and three for the Charter ; concluding , as ail meetings should do , having had a good dose of Chartism that night . Down with the repeal ,. and up with the Charter I
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Sudden Death of Mr . T . Barber Beapmojtt . — On Saturday afternoon Mr . T . Barber Beaumont , a county magistrate " , and resident direetpr of the County Fire-office , expired suddenly , at bis residence in Regent-street . He was sitting in his parlour alone , and upon one of his family entering the room he was observed . reclining in his chair as . If asleep , but it was soon discovered that the vital Epark had fled for ever . ' Mr ; Beaumont was a fine ' healthy
looking man , apparently aboat sixty years of age . A few months since he had a severe attack of illness , but overcame it , and from that period to his death he enjoyed very good health . About eight , months since the deceased ' gentleman erected , a , ^ a vas t expense , a large building in Beaumont-square , Mileend , and which is used for literary a , n < £ fcienti&o purposes , and which he has endowed for jsver with ¦ the sum of £ 400 annually . Mr . Beaumont had extensive property in Mile-end . ; . . 7 !;; . Intelligence arrived at the differen ^ Ihsurance offices in the metropolis , on Saturday , of > terrifio fire having occurred on the morning : of Wednesday week , in the quiet village of Stok , e CanhQJJjjBituate a few miles'from Exeter , " and which occasioned the total destruction of fifteen houses , the dwellings of forty-six poor labouring families . . ... j ... . ..- / .- ¦* - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ - .-.. - . ¦ .. . r :- ' ' . -f ¦
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TO TEE EDITOR OP THE SORTHERS STAR . gj ^—Allow me , through the medium of the Northern Bir , to throw out the folio-wing suggestions -with norf to a more efficient plan for supplying the Irish { jjjtjsts ¦ with Stars , and other papers favourable to the Chutist cause , to distribnte among their fellow-( OOst rynjeD , nsmelj , by the daas-leadera of the Charter iBoditJon collectiEg the papers from those of their &B -who choose to give them , and transmitting them js a Committee cf four or fiye , to be chosen for the pnpoge in each town , vrho -will send them to the Hr&pooi Conunitte ** . ¦ $$ ¦* , I think , tfeere U hardly one Chartist \ rho Ttvld leep bis paper after he had read it , knowing the pBjpose to which it woold be applied : namely , as a Biaci towards the political regeneration of O'ConnelldetaJed Ireland—an event to which every real Charfiss loois forward "with the feelings of the greatest die : ? . A Chartist , And a sincere well-wisher of Ireland , C . Westrat .
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WHAT IS COMING . There are some persona among us who have persuaded themselves , or seek to persuade ethers , that the Reform Bill constitution can only be worked by its inventors . This is but a poor compliment 'to it . The use of a constitution is to place the nation less at the mercy of the individual characters of rulers—to establish so strongly certain forms of conducting business , that the most reckless and ambitious men shall feel themselves hampered if they seek to use for their own selfish pnrposes the power intrusted to them for the public good . A constitution which can only work well in the hands of one party , is as good as no constitution at all . To say , as some do not scruple to say , that our liberties are in danger as soon as the Tories come into power , is to confess that the Reform Act gave us only a sham constitution .
Without exaggerating tbe merits of that piece of legislation , it is not quite so bad aa some of its admirers par excellence would make it The old boroughmongering constitution which grew up subsequent to the Revolution was bad enough—especially in its latter days ; but it was better than the constitution or no-constitution which preceded it Under it , men enjoyed in security what they were allowed to earn , and went to their favourite churches -without impediment . Some qualified praise of tho same kind will be bestowed a couple of generations hence on our Reform Bill constitution , even after the Conservatives have tried their hands at giving it a finish to their own taste . Catholics cannot be again subjected to political' disqualification ; tho Test Act cannot be again made law ; the principles of Adam Smith must be carried into more extended operation j more attention must be paid than formerly to keeping the national expenditure as moderate as possible , and collecting the revenue in the manner least severely felt .
New principles of action must be avowed , and to a certain extent acted upon , by any set ef men -who shall obtain and hold power under the Constitution of 1832 . It does not follow tbat because the son of the Anti-Keform-Bill Conservative will call himself by the same political designation as his father , that his principles will net have been modified by the different framework of society , to the influences of which he is exposed . The fathers of MarshallMacdonald and General Wingfield Scott were obliged to leave this country on account of their devotion to the divine hereditary right of the Stuarts ; yet the one has made a very respectable Revolutionary General in France , and the other an equally respectable Republican General in America . Most men ' s principles or opinions are a mere
supplement to their existence— 'certain forms of speech , by which they reconcile themselves to any disagreeable feelings occasioned by their reflections on their own conduct and circumstances . The principles and opinions of a party are the same thing on a larger scale : they are not so much rules of action as apologies for belonging to the party . The political creed of the Conservatives under the Reform Bill , if they ever obtain a lease of power of any continuance , must be worded in such a manner that the recruits they have picked up among the disappointed promoters of that measure can use them without being constantly reminded of their inconsistency . And the danger to be incurred by too glaring a contradiction between words and actions , will make their political creed to a certain exUnt influential in controlling their conduct .
When Harley and St . John got hold of the reins of Government in Queen Anne " a time , the task of inventing a political confession of faith devolved principally on St John and Dean Swift . A very dexterous piece cf patchwork it was ; retaining just as much of Tory principles as would not prevent its professors from working a Revolution Government—just as much of philosophical morals as served to expose the rottenness of the Whigs , withont , tying down their rivals to be " absolute Josephs . " Harley and St . John were driven from power , but the Tory party formed under their auspices , as contradistinguished from the Jacobite party , gained strength every year , till , under George the
Third , it was installed in office , and held it With a high hand till the advent of Canning . When Sir Robtrt Peel comes into power—as there is at this moment every prospect of his doing—some clever fellows will lick tbe discordant popular professions of his supporters inte shape , and the Reform Bill Conservatives will obtain a code of political principles . A nice medley they will be , to suit the heterogeneous assortment of Colonial monopolists , anti-slavers , Presbyterian Non-intrusionists , Puseyites or seini-Puseyites , anti-Poor Law enthusiasts , and bread-tnxers , out of which a party must be organised . But they will be , like the speech of Chaucer ' s stiutent , " souning in moral vertue , " and will serve their purpose for a time .
That time , however , will most probably be brief . There is an element at work in society , the character and extent of whose power is yet too undeveloped , too little known , to allow of our estimating its influence . It does exist , however ; and the manner in -which all parties alternately rail at and fawn upon it sbewa that they hate it with the hatred of fear . Its name is Chart ism . —Spectator .
Untitled Article
__ THE NORTHERN STAR , 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 22, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct380/page/7/
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