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ggyEBAL ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE , AND THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . mffrszB CHABrisrs , —H » Tiny asKmBed is Ion . jMLjioowaiBg to oar paWJabwi roolniiom , ttbecox&M an any . t it * condoaiwof our sitting , toaddreat I ** the state of oar Association and the proapeete Qrgeus . We have eonaidasd it neeeatary , for tbe ^ n , issigaed ebewbere , to discontinue tbe Exef Journal- W « tm totted a * addres to obt S hiran in Scotland , entreating them to remain united IStffiJ is oar exertioni to gala that came which in-* £ & the fate of both nations ; sod ire bare instructed !! L on oonstitaenU u to the future menarea to be £ bltad ior tbe increase * nd keaeflt of tbe Siatio&al « Lgta Aiioaatian . We cannot *« pambft without •^ ppH « j & general address to the whole people .
jj > e Association , of ttblc& . ire form the Exeeatrre A ^ Bsiitee , w projected byjUie people , irho defined oar ^¦ jj ^ tobe the obtaining of a . full and faithful repre-~^^ od of the entire people of the United Kingdom , jTtfrict accordance with the princ i ple * , spirit , and jjj ^ oiaj of the People ' s Charter . In iteming to obtain sacb a just and glorious end , _ ^ enjoined to n * e none bat peaceable and coaiti jgjasal mean * . Bow are we to succeed ? jfe must hare numbers ; because without numbers , n sera can become formidable . We must have
jj ^ p n ; because , without that , we never can be feared ; ^ we must hare energetic co-operation amongst tbe rook ' s chosen leaden , because , without mutual cong £ eoe , we never can be xasoesafuL poring our experience , as an Executive , we h » Te ^^ y reason to be satisfied mBi the rapid increase of $ t Association , the decreasing apathy of the people , jrf the widening spirit of inquiry which givea -rigour to fiie increment in all parts of the country . But we qpnnt even , amidst out success , withdraw our attends . from those factiou squabbles which have been jmjlly disgraeefHl and injurious to our eacred cause .
ji ii eu 7 , n * y j » l « asant , for um to meet aad fire hattf e jj , oar public oppo&eais , aad find weapons destructive ggggi in reason and argument , but when we receive gg most serious injury from our own professed brogue , remonstrance and patience are exercised in rain , jnd bo other course is so open or ao effectual as a direct » ppal from the Executive to the people who hare ^ eeiedni . yfe bow make such appeal , and call upon you to pjjrer from every corner of the land , whether we are to Wer&te any longer the rain , the idiotic , and misdarrottJ party spirit which will , if unchecked , sear the
jjjr prwpect before us , and blast for years the tender tjjssom of a nation'ajhopea . Working men , forbid it ^ others , if ye respect the cause of industry , if ye feel j 3 magi and demand its rights , forsake the cause of ma , and efiBg to that of the Charter alone . You alone bare tbe power to restore unanimity , and enforce ofcafience . Tbe time has sow arrived when hesitation m yoor part may be fatal , when division on your pet will assuredly call down the Tengeanoe of a TBverfo ! and accursed faction on tbe scattered and Esaesstifi ? mta ;
Baoembei that division is ever the forerunner of penecation , and be who sows it in oar ranks may u veD sound a trumpet for the Government to b&-Sasenber , toe , that when the day of denunciation tarn * , it i * no longer safe far independence or honesty toraum at the prey of the designing and the mallbxl Nay , if once encouraged , like all other eril fcjiaQ , it gathers strength with its virulence , and ia appetite for fresh -victims keeps pace with its Ioqcbj . Graia this spirit , fellow labourers , or it will crush ran cuse . Put it down with a strong and active
fciad , « a reign o ! terror wul arise when it will be m longer possible to serre yon earnestly without being le ^ eeted , or passe is serving yon without being dCBHseed . It has indeed arrived , ami simultaneous iSamBcatioiiB have occurred in Scotland and England £ ra one of oar own body has been accused , and , as Srnidenoe proved , he was falsely accused . The same los&bss taken place in other eases ; in fact , but one Malkai ensued . From what "" M gpyit spirit has all fc » mseMef originated ? Jealousy . That accursed bat , which has existed , is in active being , and will mad to distract and destroy us .
Tec most seize it boldly whererrer it arises , and like i pasonoBt nettle , when crashed the hardest it will not * the least OterDdoes not rest in localities ; erery squabble W » its way to the public press , thereto delight the on ? , asd disgust oar friends . Wt are firmly of opinion , that whateTer may be the ssstkm of parties , the end of tketr squabbles would Msnedlybe the destruction of our public men , and of csr . pabSc interest , and whilst we would support asks , unless their actions corresponded with their jr&ainm , ihej h » Te a rijbt to the protection of the note , so Inog u they serve them .
Is omclnde oar remarks regarding the obstacle wil-M ^ oit in our way , we may allude to the insane disastes upon moral and physical force , legality and itpSty , education crotchets , and criticisms asd deramtions upon the supposed treachery of the past ndfe present leaders , all of which expose our cause b 3 te deserred ridicule and contempt of our delighted ( &aect £ . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only ia zgpeal to the good sense and reason of the working net , tod if they do not resolutely , at all hazards , extenhate these Tain and reckless feuds , we offer you bo « rthly hope of success erer crowning the Iong-BiKfiimed efforts ¦ which haTe been made to emancipate tie "dMiip and desponding TnTTHr ^ n
OrB PV 3 UC 0 PP 0 KEMS . "We eottemplate this part of our address with far lesi uxifctj asd much mere firmness . The principal enemy ** i th « most powerful is the present GoTerame&ti from yhm mercy or justice we expect nothing ; but from itaie Matoaied policy we anticipate much . It must itraaaabered th&t . the laat Gorernskent , had a strong ^ 5 ® cy to protect and benefit the present electoral ti »* i the expence of the son-electors—merely using te middle class as willing oppressors of the working fca
But we hare a government now who will neither Jpp&iise -with nor respect the sufferings of either E ^ Se or working men ; therefore it is we pursue onr o&rlstiEg course and nail the Charter to the mast Wt njy radonaUy expect a ¦ vast accession of strength TOt from the middle ch »» , who , if they do not join us ^ jrladple will do so from compulsion . The middle o » einiDt carry their measures without public opinion , ^ if je art wise and determined , they ought never » bars it caiess they do justice to yon as well as
them'J mctnal service is required ., then mutual benefit fcfii to 1 « seemed and certem .
T 3 E COBS LAW EEPEALEES W speni yon to aid them in their struggle . They have fr EsSap on their ride ; you have not . They prop * y » i benefit . Why do they deny you the power » tsep i ; j J ? 1 ? Con lA ^ swere caused by class legislation . What * 13 aboiiia the cause ? Universal Sufirage , which will ¦** aj good which may flow from repeal equally torasai , and if u is not so it will te worthless to you , « tongh beneficial to your masters . 2 fia latter idea is correct , tbe only question you P * to discuss is , " Whether the abolition of the «» Laws or the Charts will be most t-eneficial 3 lil v *
^ ** 8 , then , on that question ; discuss it with them *** «> £ lei argmneni and reason prevail over every J * j ** &on- In tbe jnstice of our c&nse consists our ~^* . SDd if our principles be truth itself , we need * ae * nxffiary than the reasoning faculty of man . ** & » i * fair and comistent towards them , and a ml s f *« dily shew whether the Government may 82 , f force ttem into our racks . Should such j ^ 51 ' taie place , tte vill at least have the Tories ^ wr tide , until the HiDeas Corpus Act ia susj ^ efii glit oppeaHon has been experienced from the fj— ^ A "e do not admire the prudence of the jZ **? * ** by either opponents ; but we trust that s T ™* * * 3 I prevail over factions opposition in every * " »«« irMca niay take place .
M £ A > S 10 BE rSKD . fc a Z ?* " ^ y of advancing the cause ia by adding ^ tambers of the awociation ; and eTery lecturer fcj _ ^ ke it part of his duty to register names and Ktowf **^ " * ^ e * : ^" of each leetare . iteZl ^ "' JB give courage to the timid and create bJj . ^* &m * nemies , and where thousands fctfrin « i e association , it becomes impossible for g' / swu tyr&ata to meet the victimi of the patriotic
an *^ l ! fT t ^ at P&L&hd declarations ensure us Uj P ^ secntion dictated by fear , and in too many WeV * TIP ** 1 by a i 1 * ™' to ««» principlea . ^ r t »^ recommend the General Council to direct fc jsmcolai attention to the organisation of the = * i and the appointment of fit and qualified 5 f ^ * no ^ oald in every instance be ballotted for , aa ^ Jjere effiesra of the association . JTO should be appointed by public meetings , . yna « t places in a T >\ sMi * nonn « j > Mfnni w > ii «> i
Doane * relative to that district should be derided . w ^ THJB TfixDES . STi 2 tttaBtl > 0 diwof men * onMb « « rotrsed to ^ of duty to theaselTeB , andwhsiOTttIt isprac-We tZT * 1 C 1111 ^ ' * Association ibould be fomed . ttfcW ^? ^ " ^ Ca ^ rt ^ t Association to be dis-^ f ^_ B » Trade' * Uakm . * W ° ^^ *««> fi «» M on the faith of a bodj of ^«* intwrt * are identical as their pursuita are tarirwfV ** l « known to his neighbour , and »• ^* S ? iBtsre * fa *• * WDe as that of bis fel-^ TUtt ~ ~ £ 2 S * mea CMmot be led far astray , and ^ tJaVZT 81 Ml * tou « 8 J « was oae to plaee the mM-|^» powar , so ours may be said to be one wbieh S ^ T b * de * ^ t * " 5 * 1 P ^ P" position , and KttiL « T ? ponofoffi 8 Bce ** & defenee far aiore enk ^* * " the limited expedient of unenfranchised
** & be impreaied oa theee important bodies ^ f *^« n be era * long protected or well rep uniest the members of each body are poli-
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SodaL benefit * eeldom remain long untoached , unless then is some political power to arrest the phuderer in his daoger , and the law of the rich in ita Bsurpatton . Tiie tcadet have lengaiEsed at tbe guardianship ot their separate richis . They have blocked up and bwricaded tbepte by which 0 » maftar invaded ta * m » wttti ntafij exteileat exp * di « Uj bnttheyhaT »» ev yet attenpted to do the aanw to the polltioal gate throngs which the Qovernaent entered to tax their treaaered earnings as repeatedly as they ha ve aocomn lated . Unions are but temporary seeuities against tbe aTadee " of masters , but offer no prelection for the , oppressive enactments of an irresponsible horde of mien . It must have become apparent to all the trades , that something more than * . mere Union fot the protection of wage * ia wanted , became * t the best tney only , shackle the hand of tbe maefcer , whilst they leave unchecked and tree tt » e ana of the tax gatherer .
The trade * haTe hitherto been mere creators of funds for the benefit of rulers ; and whilst they suspiciously watched tbe weekly payments of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of the tax gatherer . The question for the trades is one easy of comprehension . Whether would it be better to hare two protections or one—• octal power without political , « r both combined ? The suffrage , would strengthen instead of weakening the Unions , because the want of it on their parts , and the possession of it on the part of their masters , give rise to the laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy ., all directed against men who simply demanded a iast wage far their labour .
The master class have discovered that with the law and l aw ' s punishments on their side , they cannot triumph oTer their slave class ; and do the trades suppose that the chains of the law will not be drawn tighter , and re-forged stronger 7 If they believe the contrary , they will discover their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist . Let one general appeal be made to them , and their amrmatiTe answer would shake the Government to its centre , and supply tbe absence of a middle class , a thousand times more powerful than oars . . We have now conveyed to yea our united opinion and advice . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , it correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .
We are the servants of the Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the servants of the Association , we feel it to be our duty at all times to speak freely , to act firmly , and to fall back upon the people when our own power is inwiffirifflt to effect these objects which are necessary for the welfare of our constituents , and the success of our cause . We await your decision . Tour faithful Representatives , B . K- Philp . Morgan Williams . John Campbell . James Leach . P . M . M'Bouall
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m TO HAMER STANSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of mea , under the present limited infinance of Christianity , will prey upon all other classes , just as much as they mm and dare ; for , the frailty of human nature tells me , that were the manufacturer or the working classes in their ( the aristocracy ' s ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise . " HAME 3 . STAN 8 TELD Sib , —I have chosen the above extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as a motto to this letter to you ; for to my raind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you have stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in favour of the necessity , as well as the right , of every man who is to be called upon to obey a law , or to be subject to the influence of such law , to have a voice in the making of that law .
I am not aware that there is tbe least dispute about the utility of machinery . I never conversed with any one , to whom the subject was explained , who ever quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , but with the distribution of its products ; with the " party working underhand , and obtaining all , and even more than alt , the advantages which machinery has rendered . " Tbe questien therefore resolves itself to this : how are we to prevent " the power working underhand from obtaining more than all the advantages from machinery . ' There is such a i »* t > m » in your use of the word monopoly , that one feels almost at a loss as to what you would particularly apply it Bnt from the whole , I
come to the conclusion that you mean by the word monopoly—tne corn laws . If such be your meaning , and if ' you really expect that their abolition would be the panacea for all our evils , you are certainly the most mistaken ot men . What , expect that tbe abolition ot a single law would give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment in the motto , " that all classes will prey uj > on each other jn » t a » mnch as they can and dare 1 " What is to prevent the aiktocraey preying upon ub a > mnch in future as they ea »? Nothing but this dare ; and that \ dare is , with their present power , only the fear of our not being able to continue to labour .
Snppose that the corn laws were abolished to-morrow , and suppose that that abolition had a tendency to produce all you dream or say . Suppese that it caused us to have the command of the markets of the world ; suppose that it caused Englishmen to have the supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours every day without intermission ; suppose that it had a tendency to cause us to have prosperity for ages , as I once heard you say it would ; suppose all this ; what will there be to prevent " the party working anderhand from obtaining even more than all the advantages" which would accrue from the measure ? Have you not admitted in the worJs of my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each other just as much as they dare ? " Come , Mr . Stansfeld , do tell us what is to prevent their preying upon us in future ?
I ask , again , what Is to prevent " the power working underhand" from obtaining even more than all the acVrantages" ? What is to preTent their taxing or laying a rent ( for tax appears to be an harmless thing vtiUi yon ) upon all mines or minerals within the bowels of the earth , equivalent to their loss by the repeal of the corn laws ? What is to prevent their making the full Talue of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new commissions be created ? no new churches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon splendid
pensions as a reward for past services , to make way for new aspirants to serve their country ? Is there no way left , for coming at even mort than all the advantages yen ' would derive from tbe measure ? Is there no contraction of the currency to make you give them double the quantity you give them now for the taxes ? Aye , that there is , and a tbousand-and- one ways besides , to enable that " class of men who have the power of mating laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as tbey dare" , and to reap even more than all the advantages" of all your skill and labour into the bargain .
Then again , what i 3 it but the monopoly of making the laws which have caused all the other monopolies of which you complain ? In fact , they are but offshoots from the master monopoly ; and until that master monopoly be destroyed , both root and branch , there never can be any security for the peace and happiness of this country . Besides , Sir , are you not inconsistent 'upon your own principles , that yon do not endeavour with all your might to destroy the master monopoly , after your admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dart . " What , after this , can you expect to be the fate of this country , without every man
who is subject to a law , or its tendency , have a voice in the making of that law ? Either you wish the people to be " preyed * upon , or you do not . If you wish them to be preyed upon , you will take no steps to destroy the power oft&e prevers . if you wiah them not to be " preyed " upon , after your admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes juBt as much as they can and daie , " you will from this time , make every effort in your power to prevent any class from preying upon the otli&r by endeavouring to cause every man to Lave a voice in the making of the laws he is called upon to obey . -The dilemma is unavoidable . Take your choice , and from this day we shall know what to expect from
you . But you will ask " bow is Universal Suffrage to be obtained V I will answer the question , by asking you how you propose to obtain the repeal of the corn laws ? You will answer , by an union of the middle and working classes , and by their making a long pull and a strong pull and a pull altogether , as they say at sea . What hopes have you that such a union , and each a pull as you describe , -would have the desired effect ? Because , yoa will say , the Beferm Bill at 1631 , was carried by snch an nnien ; and because tbe aristocracy , besotted as they are , durst not resist the firmly expressed will of a whole people , for fear of consequences following which would deprive them of all power . Just bo . And would not sneb a nnlon , and such a pull , obtain
the suffrage ? Durst they despise the expressed will of a whole people when they demanded the justice of the suffisge , any more than ween they demanded the repeal of the * om laws ? Not they . Then , if you be sincere , come forward at once and seek to obtain that which" will destroy all present monopolies , an « prevent all future ones . If yon and yonr class decline this , yon only more fully convince the world that you wish to be of that " class of men which preys upon all other classes just as mnch as they can and dare ; " and that your only aim is to be that " party working underneath and obtaining all , and even more than all , the advantages which would result from the measure . " Hoping that yen will choose the nobler part , I remain , yours respectfully , Jakes Pkkht . MiUbridge , Nov . 17 , 1841 .
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TO THB KDITOa OP THB WOBIHBRI * STAB . Sib ., —If you will have the kindness to insert the following in your widely circulated and valuable journal , you wUl mnch oblige Tour humble bat suffering Servant , GEOBGB BtACK , of Nottingham . A few weeks ago , aa article appeared in the Star , beaded , " Save us from our friends . " Sir , in writing this , you might intend it for ny good , and the good of the tause generally . You rery Jikely did not intend to injure mj character ; but so it is . I will not say
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" Save me from my friends ; " bnt this I will say , 0 , that we were all united as friends I I have my friends ; I have my foe * . S& has every man that is taking an active part in this movement Sir , 1 find it as I thought I ahooid . gome look upon me with suspicion , wme Mil me « pjr er tnitor ; « Uwr » WIB& me to appeal to EBJ fr iend * > h »| know me ; and I hope yon will allow me tiiaVjriTilege . 7 . A word or two to those who take me to be a deceitful or treacherous per *» n—as there are some who are not backward at « i » ft * - » "fl use of their influence to destroy me . ; tell yon that you have already done me a
¦ Brians Injury ; and I teU jeucandidly I had rather any person , would take away my life than my character . Allow me to say I would not have made the sacrifices I have made , if I had intended to deoeiTe- my conntay . My friend * at Nottingham will remember that U w « on account of my principles that I was tamed oat of the Baptist church ; and amongst that bod ; of people I had a great number of friends , whom I loved as I loved my life . Bat I appeal to those who have known the moat of me whether i have made it appear evident that tbe principles embodied in the People ' s Charter have been more dear to me than life itself .
If had intended to turn traitor , why not at tbe second Convention ? If I intended to Ball tbs causa , myself , and family , why not to the Whigs at the late elections ? If altogether a selfish person , why did I go to London at all ? It wag not because I was the most competent person in Nottingham ; bnt because there was danger , and nobody eke would go . Did I not lose the ten frames ? or , in other words , were they not taken from me ? Before I had been at London one week , tbe work was taken from these frames ; and who will contradict me when I say those frames were bringing me in seven shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not having more than one meal a-day , my wife and family starving ?
Thanks to those kind friends who lent me their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , Ac . &a ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now I have been going about the country between sixteen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone over about six thousand miles—often one hundred and fifty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I have been a sufferer in the cause or not Can I say " Britons never shall be slaves ? " I see no other prospect than a very scanty living ; or , in other words , a dragging out of a miserable existenoe , « nd my children after me . All the hope I have is in the People ' s Charter becoming the law of the land ; and must I , shall I , have I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with the disconsolate
and often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from thenoe to those poor widows whose husbands lost their lives at Newport These were to have been pensioned off ; but , instead of this , I often find them starving for want , both mothers and children . Had you a little of the company of these sufferer * , if you be people of any feeling , I think you could not torn traitors , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his price , and I have mine ; and I heartily wish 1 could get my price for every principle within my breast With the Charter , and a Republican Government , every pour man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with . O to be united as friends ! I remain , Your humble but injured Servant , Geoege Black .
P . a—I now appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have you any cause to say you have ever heard me utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speak of me as you have found me . I now from tbe following places demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , Basford , Sutton-in-Ashfield , Merthyr Tydvil , Pontypool , Newport , and Cardiff . Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .
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TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION .
Deab Sib , —When I was elected the Representative of Rochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—viz : " annually to submit my Parliamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . " In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , through you , a short detail of the most prominent points of public policy , with reference to which I had occasion to act during the late short Session . In my address I told you— " that I would not go to Parliament to support the objects of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—but to sustain , to the best of my judgment , by my honest votes , the combined interests of all Classes of the Community . " I shall refer to the first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demonstrate my sincerity in that principle of action .
Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor tbe Address in reply , as moved by the late Ministry , contained a single allusion to any amendment of tbe Reform Act , or any extension of the Rights of tbe People . In tho debate which took place on the Address , the subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with tbe late Ministry , although alluded to by some of the more Radical Members . I did expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed these opinions , would have given notice ef an amendment to test tbe different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after the debate had been protracted to the fourth night . FindiDg that no intention of that nature was intimated , I then gave notice , that I would move , on the bringing up the Report of the Address , an amendment in the following words : —
" That we farther respectfully represent to your Majesty , that , in our opinion , the distress which your Majesty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstances of your whole people not being fully and fairly represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of so extending and regulating the suffrage , and adopting such improvements in the system ot voting , as will confer on the working classes that just weight in the representative body which is necessary to secure a due consideration of their interests , and which their present patient endurance of suffering gives them the strongest title to claim . "
I moved this amendment ag . eeably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty one , ) divided in favour of it But you are aware that the motion was objected to by some of tbe Liberal members , who ltftthe House and did not vote , althQUgb they expressed themselves favourable to the principlea of the amendment ,- 1 , therefore , think it right to allude to the reasons assigned by them for this course . The objections may be collected from the speeches of the Hon . Members for ShefBeld and Bath ( Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck ) , the former member said , that " he could not but regard it as an insult offered to the popular interests in this House to bring forward a question of this magnitude at a moment when there Is no Minister present—at a moment too , when , in fact , there is
no Ministry in existence . " Now , it appeared to me , that I would be violating the declaration in my address , which I ha / e quoted , if I had abstained from bringing forward this question for tbe reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is the duty of the representatives of tbe people to waive the declaration of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because ene Minister was about to make his exit , and another to assume his post . i do not conceive that those representatives of the people Who advocate the extention of popular rights , are to avow an bumble subserviency to the ministerial tactics , or to put those lights in abeyance , unless aided by the countenance of ministerial authority . The hononrable member far
Bath ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that it was disrespectful to the majority represented by the Right Hon . Baronut ( Sir Robert Peel ) , and that it was not giving him a fair trial . It was to me a very new doctrine to learn that such deference as this was to be paid to a majority ; and with reference to the fair trial claimed for the Right Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him that fair trial as the honourable member for Bath ; but , I would ask , was it not acting with the greatest possible fairness to call upon the House to declare its opinion en this question before the Bight Hon . Baronet assumed Office 1 Was It not the best mode of instructing the minister ? Was it not the best mode of guiding the sovereign in the selection of ministers , that the House of Commons shonld declare to the sovereign their opinions on great constitutional questions ? A powerfel minority had divided against the
Conservative amendment to tbe Address—a minority which , if disposed to act for tbe People ' s Rights , must ultimately extort more or less concession from any ministry . I ask , was it not proper to test the principles of that minority ? To ascertain whether they were impelled by an honest zeal for those rights , or actuated by tbe less dignified object of retaining place and power fox a party . Was it not right that the people should understand whether those members of the late ministry , who would be now looked op to as leaden of the n « w opposition , persevered or did not persevere , in the declaration of tbe finality of the Reform Act ? I admit it might not be convenient for the purposes of party that this test shoal * be applied-But I snbmit to my constitntints , that in the course I adopted , 1 acted strictly and faithfully in conformity with my declarations to them .
Another objection raised to my proceeding on this occasion , by the Honeurable Member for Sheffield , was , that " Jive men in the House had bee * consulted . do not understand my duty as a Member of Parliament if I am to be precluded from acting on my own responsibility I If I am to be compelled to plaee mymiit under the control of any clique of Members , whether larger ot smaller ! If a Member , acting on bis own responsibility , makes a motion deserving of suppert , is his proposition to be quisbed because he bad not consulted certain Individual * ? Why should it not be opposed or approved on its merits 1 I admit that if an organisation were effected among the Liberal representatives for the support of popular questions , it might be useful , an * indeed necessary , that individual Msmfears shonld sub-
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^ it ^ . S ^ L * !? " ? ¦ " agcement , aa for as niight « po » - Uble witaaut dereliction of principle : bnt , I think individual Members ought not to be bound by the regulations or opinions of any aeotton Of Members , farther ttMtt" *» «» ttJB «| Wrt . Uennte * . to tw rigbt . I tots stated these points for the consideration of my constituents , because I consider it is desirable that the representative , tad the constituent body he represents , shonld nave a common feeling on the coarse of conduct to be pursued on other : occasions of a similar nature , wWeh it is T « ry probable mar eften occur .
The next important question , was the Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . Fielden , to the effect , that it was the duty of the House to enquire Into the distresses of the people , and the remedies , before any supply should be made . On this amendment , I felt it to be my fiutj to divide with the Henourable Member for Oldham , and having done so on this occasion , I conceived it waa only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty's Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated example * of tbe distressed condition of Rochdale , I again divided the House against voting the Supplies , till the condition of the country should , bo invaatimted . ;
In opposing the supplies , I had no wish or intention to exhibit a factious oppwflttontc ha Majesty !* Gowwnment ; bat I am of opinion that the wholesome practice should be asserted , of looking to the condition of the people , and the means of paying taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . The means of the country should be first ascertained , and then the expenditure should be made , as far as possible , to correspond with these means . There axe many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous r evenue , which might be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that they should be discussed with doe consideration to the powers of the country to discharge them .
The last question which I desire to refer to , is the Poor Law Continuance BilL Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at some stage of tola BUI he would divide the House against it intoto . in this I concurred with him ; but being perfectly satisfied that oar opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought the next best course would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of the Commissioners which were moat productive of practical evil . My constituents are aware of the amendments Which I moved , in both of which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against the Bill on the third reading . I need not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on the Poor Law have been stated on ao many previous occasions .
The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form daring the late Session of Parliament—a course of proceeding which , I must say , I regret Sir Robert Peel was pressed on various occasions to declare his intentions on that question ; bat I am of opinion , tbe fairest and moat effectual mode of eliciting his opinions , as well as those of the House of Commons generally , would have been to have brought them to the test of a distinct proposition , and a division on that proposition : —but an objection was raised to this course—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party are divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibition of weakness would be the result ;—on the ether band , I think it might be fairly argued , if these two sections cannot agree , is it
reasonable or fair to press the Minister ? The argument , I think , is unanswerable . In my opinion the question never can be advanced till a decided course of action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly . The anti-ComLaw League are bound to tbe principle of tola extinction—I , ask then , can they have any moral weight with the country if they shrink from tbe bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only source of success , if they consent to permit that principle to be pat in abeyance ., in order to acquire a fallacious appearance of strength , by a union with the fixedduty men f It appears to me that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-duty , have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers : —they are really and substantially monopolists as well aa their opponents ; they differ chiefly about the most expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It is a delusion upon the
country to frame evasive motions for ; tbe purpose of catching such useless votes . It is bettor for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of tbe nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this subject But it may be asked , why I did not act npon them in the late session , by moving myself on this question ? I answer , because I considered it rested more properly in other haude—I mean those , of Hon . Members more directly connected with the anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should not be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which had not their concurrence ; this was & case in wbicb , as I conceive , an individual member waa properly called on to deftr to tbe opinions of other members , especially gentlemen representing the views of so influential a body as the anti-Corn Law League .
It is right I should state to you that I disagree from many Members in the allegation , that' questions affecting the rights of the people should not be pushed to the test of a division , unless a large minority could bo rallied : —I consider that if the question be one which ia in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a small division than by waiving the question , or by debating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting the advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by tbe excitement of a moral power ost of doors ;—and I hold that tbii moral power cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless the leaders in Parliament prove their own
sincerity by having tbe moral courage to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few members struggling under adverse circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are discussed out of doors , and , if worthy of support , an enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may bo termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious uxtent in former Parliaments , After hours spent in speeches , we have often found the result , " Motion by leave withdrawn . " I think this practice tendB to bring the Parliament into contempt with tbe country , and leads to no useful result .
There is one other subject to which I wish to draw the attention of my constituents , not strictly forming a portion of my parliamentary conduct in the late session , but at the same time intimately connected with it . In my address , I state as follows : ' With reference to Ireland , I claim for that portion of tbe United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , and franchises with Britain , and I desire to incorporate the interests of the two Countries by the communication of mutual advantages , through the menus of just and impartial principles Of united legislation . " There were no
measures introduced in the last session which had particular reference to separate Irish Legislation ; but since the recess of Parliament , I have deemed it right to publish my opinions on the present system of agitation carried on by Mr . OConnell , in Ireland , with the professed object of repealing tho Union . As I think it proper that every part of my public conduct should ho nir . de known to my constituents , I enclose herewith , copies of the letters I published on that bubj « jat—which , being placed in your hands , any of my Constituents who desire it , may have an opportunity of referring to .
It is my intention , previous to the next session of Parliament , to appear personally before those whom I have the honour to represent , namely , the constituency of the Borough of Rochdale , —and then to inform myself more fully of their wants and their wishes , and to receive such observations as they may think fit to make , upon the communication Which I now tnke leave to address to them . I am , dear Sir , Your sincere friend , Wm . Sharman Crawford . Crawfordsburn , Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 th , 1811 . t > i i ii w ^ sl ^ h— t t i I n n i i ii » i
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Brother Chartists , —A National Petition has been drawn up , and approved of by the Executive , and tbey have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected on its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of tbe industrious classes . This , then , being decided on , it is incumbent on yon , as well as every Chartist throughout the British empiw , to be active and industrious , in getting as many signatures to it as possible .
Will yea , then . Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indifferent to tbe call of your fellow countrymen , and cowardly shrink from performing yonr share of duty in tbe effort of a glorious redemption of your class from political slavery ? I know many of yon are ( and I cannot bnt sympathise with you ) shackled by the despotism of your masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyranny . Yet for all this if you are inclined to do that which the distressed state of your conn try requires you should do , you can do it , and in a manner withent injuring either yourselves or families No rational man would expect yon to do that But where there is a will there is a way In every case . So there is in this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other means , you can In a pecuniary ¦ way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid which yon require , without endangering yourselves .
Yet , notwithstanding this persecution which yon suffer , can yon independently lift your heads aloof , and not feel the Indignity of your situation f Can you supinely lie down under such vile oppression , and not make an effort to release yourselves T No , rather claim the rights of freemen , and stand in the image of your Maker fearlessly advocating the truth , and under every circumstance determined to maintain it , than stain your bouIb with Buch foul degradation by submiting Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am without a doubt a stranger to many of you , and known bat to a few . It might be thought presumptuous in me in thus addressing yon . Nevertheless , I cannot be inactive , and suffer the cause to remain in the state which I unhappily find it in this place . 1 therefore appeal to you to arouse and do your duty . The time ia come when every solitary Chartist must be at his post , not quarrelling about the superiority of this
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or that plan , but unitedly straggling to obtain their rights . The plan as laid down by the Executive is a good one . Panne- it with en » Tgy and spirit ; it must nlUoatelraucoeed . , In that first place , yon mast obtain a plaee to meet in , Im it is only by meeting and public discussions that you can create that unity of Bentiment so desirable to a jost and firm union . This I hope will be done shortly , and that we may have in this place aa many signatures to the National Petition as any place , in proportion to its inhabitants . , Sincerely hoping you will attend to this , I remain , yours , 8 . Bartlett .
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certainty or safety number It with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a privileged class ; while it exists , that class must exist in some shape ; &nd if it ( a to be discontinued , tbe more numerous , that class , and the more they receive , is will be better for those who work It signifies very little how they receive their incomes , as all monopolies are unjust . Still , if we are to understand from the agitated state of the public mind , that the peepts are wearied of a state of things where justice ha * no part , in God ' s name , are they prepared with a subatitato T If so , and if it is satisfactory and sufficiently understood , down with the present system ; bat if not , be aware of pulling down that , however detestable , on which our Tery
existence depend * , if you would not see all buried in its ruins : if you are inclined to fall back to the state you were in before , the Corn Laws , National Debt , and the circumstances therewith connected existed , prepare to do so ; draw ib » preamble of an act for parcelling ont the land In small allotments ; have it paased , and retire under Its provisions , and take your living from the soil , the mere serfs of the landowners , as you then wore , > then farewell improvement and all onr anguine hopes ; and along with these liberty , and justice , farewell . I have the honour to be , Sir , your obedient servant , Charles Duncan . ( To be continued in cur next . )
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Tub thrbk poor law unions comprising the manufacturing population of the boroughs of Manches ter and Satford , with their immediate neighbourhood , contain altogether no leea than 354 , 142 individual * —Liverpool Standard . ¦
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TO PEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . "My Lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that no human being , has a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I have , whether he be Whig , Tory , Radical , or Chartist , except he has some great social object in view . Lockup the land to-morrow , and I would not give you twopeace for the Charter next day , because you wouli have deprived it of its jewel "F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , third letter . " My maxim , to day is the same , which I laid down for you in 1831— 'A fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work . ' Give that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man's holiday instead of being man ' s curse . "—F . 0 Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , second letter .
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Sir , —The great error of all reformers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense of right ia their own personal aggrandisement . To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by which they ever could command consideration or respect They who contend for either more or less than justice awards , me reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that principle ia , can alone bejustified . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to compromise is to desert them , and to leave any part
covered is to betray them . To reject or agree to dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles us to , is to reject the goodness of God . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than is really necessary . No followers of justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it as regardless of all consequences .
Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now is the time to submit ita tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartism from the Malthusian Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it . This much is necessary to make it consistent and intelligible ; and without which it cannet bd consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice -, and this most be the case before it succeed . Then why defer enquiry ? since what most be , shall be as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task for a friend to strike within the limits of a concentrated move ; nor would I , were it not to avert the certain ruin that mast result from following delusion . As troth leads to truth , so error to error ; therefore the sooner all e r > rs are expunged the better .
" Repeal tbe Corn Laws ; have high wages , plenty to eat , and plenty to do . " So say the Whigs . " Down with all monopolies , repeal all unjust taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' BWork . " S » say the Chartists . These statements are similar in their nature , aud I hesitate not to say that those who assert either have as yet much to learn concerning the nature of the consitution we live under . Be it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers . Destroy tbe one and 70 a annihilate the other . I know a system can be promulgated where monopoly con be
dispensed with ; but men In that case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Whigs considered the nature of that system . I will not foils w either party through tbe labyrinth of nonsensical twaddle by which they support their views en these matters , but shall rest contented with one plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider them just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but -because the people have not properly considered the results that will follow , nor are prepared to meet them .
It has been said , repeal the Corn Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge the national debt , and the balance will be in favour of the landholders , which propositions are quite good ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be the employers of those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall the labourer go with Mb only commodity ? It is quite clear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as none , of either party , bring money into the world , so can neither haye it but by monopoly ; in someebape , destroy these , and it ia of no use to look for ' employment in that quarter . Under such circumstances , what shall become of those whose only dependence Ib labour ? I know though all existing monopolies were repealed ,
others might be substituted ; say that every one above six feet high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , or that all above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these would become aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked np to , and become influential , the same aa the aristocracy now Is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , tho same as is done at present , only differing according to the different nature of the monopoly ; under such regulations , the system of governing now pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justice , as at present , and any other similar scheme may be adopted , and the same results will follow . But this much know all —without a privileged class in some shape , the present
Constitution cannot exist . It is a system of servitude , and those who employ servants must , in tbe first place , be provided with the means of paying them , along with tbe appropriation of the means whereby men can live otherwise , which must be enforced before n system like ours can be brought into operation ; but being understood and faithfully maintained , tbe system , as a system , of master and servant , may be turned as you will in all other respects ; but if the present method of carrying on that system is done away , and nothing of a similar nature substituted , then down the system must come . And I ask the question seriously , are the people prepared to undergo the very material change that must follow , and if not , is it either prudent or safe to destroy tbe present order of things ?
Those who would have a proper view of the effects of machinery on our legislat ve system , should compare tbe positions of parties among us at this day with what they were 100 years ago . We know the great change since then is attributed to tbe revolutions of France and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as the National Debt and the Corn Laws , all of which might have been gene into independent of either , and we shall find the only part they bad in tbe matter was , that they furnished a pretext for creating these . Why did mechanical skill slumber in the arms of our artisans before then ?—Where were our numerous ships and fair cities ?—Wby were merchandise so cheap and wages so low ?—Why did our population not increase ? all for the very palpable reason , —we had no field for the display of our
energies ; tbe monopoly of land then existed , and no more of any note ; and the great body of the people lived the feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not landholders , the opportunity of calling forth those energies , tbe influence of which has created the present state of things . At a rough calculation the ascent has been since 1780 ; sincethentherevenuebasdoubledandquadrupled ; th price of laud , and all connected therewith , population , demand for labour , and mechanical skill , have risen in a corresponding ratio ; and were it not for the introduction of machinery , by raising the revenue ten times higher than now , all kinds of property would rise also , and the result would be an increased demand for labour , higher wages , increase of population , &c . < fcc . ; this to any extent ( keeping the exception in view ) , aa often as the means were applied .
That whose blighting influence will damn the present order of things is machinery , as its effect is toparaljza manual labour ; in this it not only threatens the annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise those who employ it . Machinery consumes not , and by sup . plying the place of those wh » do , must curtail toe demand for articles of commerce ; add to this the extinction of all monopolies , and who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart ; though partly seen , this is but slightly felt , as yet : let the preparations now going on be completed , and we shall know more of it However
many idlers , and whatever the rate of wages now are , we shall then have more of the one and less of the other . The manufacturer will not derive large profits from his speculation among the working part of the community ; and what are hi * prospects on the other sWe ? If he cboosea to give the aristocracy money in the Bhape of monopoly , and then succumb , and cringe , and become a tool in their handsthen they may be induced to become his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo the rest in these particulars , and even this when they hold their monopolies , and no
longer . Prom these considerations , there 1 » enough to stimn . late all the active part of mankind , to look oat fora system whereby they may mutually benefit each other . Strange that theae should im mean * to straiten each other ' s paths , Jor the mere purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , and eventually give their substance to these merely to procure a market fox their produce ; yet , however extraordinary , such is the meaning and intent : and all that can be obtained by the present
system . As these things are necessary or not , that system may be justified or not ; one thing I am « ure of , none will say it is jusit ; nono will say that harmony orpeace are its results ; and from hearing the statements of all parties , I see little to recommend it to consideration of any kind , in preference to any system , having the least shadow of justice or benevolence to recommend it Still this much is necessary to be known concerning the unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we earn With any degree of
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PUBLIC MEETING AT PAISLEY . BREWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OF HIS OWN MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , the 17 th inst ., a public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was held in the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev . Gentleman , for the purpose of hearing him deliver a lecture on the best means of obtaining the Charter . The price of admission to hear the lecture was one half-penny , which gave very great offence to the majority of the working classes , thousands of whom are out of work at present ; and , when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which waa about : an hour after the time which he had appointed , he was met by a most indignant volley of hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent us from getting in . " After order was restored ,
Mr . Robert Cocurane , a true blue Brewsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr . James Paterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous cheers . The CuAifiMiN having read the bill for calling the meeting , Mr . Brbwst ^ e , in his usual way of sowing the seeds of dissension , instead of proceeding with his lecture , said that he was afraid that some physical force men had got in amongst his Committee , and had altered a word in the billy or perhaps it might have been » physical force printer who had done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of " get on with your lecture . " ) The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with bis lecture , tho opening part of which was to
the effect that we , as Chartists , ought not to oppose any class of Reformers , whether tbey were going for a repeal of the Corn Laws , or for any other measure of reform , but let us steadily persevere for nothing less ' than the Charter . It soon , became evident , however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring in deep water , caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being able to carry their Chairman , for be soon left off reading his lecture , and , in a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whom were present , stating to them what was the law of nature in regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not provide for them , although he would not advise them to follow the said law . Bat all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals not to the taste of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediately turned round , and , in the most ungentleinanly manner ,
charged them with being wrong in their garrets or upper stories , a / ias the Drain , and denounced them as spies and traitors ; and in one instance he became eo exasperated that he drew himself up like a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the audience , said , in a voice of hysteric passion , " These are the hungry wretches whom I have fed , who have come here to-night to oppose me . " At tho conclusion of this sentence such horrific murmurs ot just and strong indignation took place as would have appalled any other than the living bronze statue who s' . ood before them . Still the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , and launched out into a tirade of abuse against a certain portion of the Chartist leaders , and whence alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became so uproarious that he was obliged to cut hia lecture short . At the conclusion of which , to our utter astonishment ,
Mr . Robert Cochrane rose and moved a resolution to the effect , That the thanks of this meeting be given tctlie Lecturer for his able lecture , coupled with a vote of censure on some of the Chartist leaders , who had not gone along with Mr . Brewster in all his crotchet ? . John Campbell , Esq . one of the members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved tbe following amendment , " That this meeting has no confidence in the Rev . Patrick Brewster as a Chartist . " ( Tremendous applause . ) The Chairman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as his opinion that the amendment was carried by a most decided majority .
Mr . Brewster , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and the Chairman , to humour him , said ho would put the vote again , and called on Mr . Wm . Campbell and the Rev , Mr . Kennedy to act with him in deciding on tho vote . The vote having again been put , the Chairman adhered to his former opinion . The Rev . Mr . Kennbdv said thai be had some difficulty in deciding , but he rather thought that the majority Was in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . Wm . Campbell said ho had no difficulty what * ever in giving his opinion , and that was , that the amendment was carried by three to two .
Mr . Kennedy said that he was of opinion that one of the objects for which the meeting was called , had i-till been overlooked , viz ., that something should be done to heal the division that existed among the Chartists , for which reasons , he would submit a few resolutions . . ' The resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three in number , were the came in substance , as the rules and regulations of the Lanarkshire ana Renfrewshire Political Unions . At this stage of the proceedings , Mr . Polin read the rules of the Renfrewshire tlniversal Suffrage Association , and said that he saw no use for Mr . Kennedy ' s resolutions , as they were just about the same as those he had now read , aud that the said
resolutions had been acted on since February last , by the only political union in existence in Paisley . Mr . Bkewster said that there was a very great difference between the resolutions read by Mr . Kennedy and those read by Mr . volin , and that he ( Mr . Brewster ) intended , to more an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw his resolutions so that they might all bo unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , be would not press the amendment , ' which he intended to move . Mr . PoLiK at once agreed to tbe suggestion of Mr . Brewster ; when , tell it not on the Calton Hillpublish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not
in the ear of the Lord Mayor of Dublin , that the Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , "Well , we will have one quarter of an hour of it yet , " and forward he came . After » _ speech ot fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amend * ment of " Under no circumstances whatever as aa association , will we resort to arms . " Now , said the Reverend Gentleman , do you not see the force of such a resolution ; if you are attacked , dissolve your union , and then you are ready for yonr enemies , seeing that you are in an organised state . After a considerable pause , the Chairman asked if the amendment of Mr . Brewster was seconded . ( Cries of " no , no" ) _ : .. . .. ...
Mr . Bbewsier then leaned over the side of the pulpit , and asked some of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon prin « iple , he could do no such thing . . ' . Mr . Bbewster then , in an imploring manner , requested tho Chairman to put it to the meeting , if no one would second hia amendment . , The CHAiHiUM replied that he had asked the meeting three different times , but that he would do ita fourth , , . * , „ Having done so , an individual in the gallery said , not that be approved of the amendment , but that they might get the proceedings brought to a close , he would second it . ,,,. ] , The amendment was then put , when all the bands which we saw held up were only six , each
individual holding up both handB , the principal acted upon during ine whole of the rotes that were taken . A forest of hands was then held np for tbe resolutions of Mr , Kennedy , which appeared to ns to be an unanimous vote , with the exception of the three who voted for tho amendment . •_ ¦ _ A , rt Three cheers were thenjeiven for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A unanimous vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for his impartial conduct in the chair , whefl the meeting broke up about two o ' clock in the morning . The above is merely an outline of the meeting , we would have given tbe speeches at length , bnt it would hire occupied too much space in your valuable paper . ' —From a Correspondent .
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b TBt NORTHERN STAR . , —
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct406/page/7/
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