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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MR . B . J . HICHARDSON . fhe aid-day post of Thursday week , bronghi ns the following letter , ( entfrom the Dundee Chronicle * of Jxnniry 20 fch , ) accompanied by a , note from Mr . gtoit , most earnestly requesting it 3 insertion . Being received at that late period of tbe week , it was impossible then to atteid to it . Last week it was disp laced by other matter . We now give it : — TO THE EDITOB OT THE 50 B . THEBN STAB . Respected Sib , —Nothing has a greater tendency to retard the progress of democracy than quarrels amongst those whom the people look npon as their leaders ; and it is trnly grievous to every lover of oar principles to observe that of late these quarrels hare been exceedingly rife , and carried on with a Tituperate spirit unbecoming men in the common pursuit of & gr eat and glorionB object . Toa , Sir , are well aware that Eince the unjust imprisonment of our Chartist brethren this feeling has been exhibited in too many instances ; and it is easy for ns to discern the cause . "Whenmen are cast into dangeon 3 for imaginary crimes , they are bewildered by the Tillanies practised npon them ; and being bereft of advice or consolation , conpled with poignant feelings , engendered by solitary reflection in their dttngeou ? , on the siate of their comparatively neglected wires and families , business and
connecilcos , is it to be "wondered at il' they act inconsistently with the principles they are suffering for 1 I make ' these remarks because it has been held up aa crime for men to plead guilty where guilt has no existence ; and men who have advised such pleadiugshaTe been denounced as traitors . But it should not be forgotten that in many cases there was as little justice to be found as there was guilt , and liar pleading has , to our country ' s shame be i : spoken , long Eince become mere matter of form . In your paper of November 20 * 1841 , was a letter , gigEfcd " A Radical of the Old School , " in which letter imputaiioiis were cast upon the character of IL J . Bichardson , in a scries cf questions , to which were ' appended a note by yourself , written in a Tsry uncharitable style . The queries were as foi-45 * Is it true that Mr . Richardson went to Liverpool to fiive evidence against his brother Char : isJ , Cbrisiopber Dcsn 1 _ .... .
" 2 . Is It true tfeat he waited there five or six days ' for that purpose , and received £ 6 . 6 ~ ., for hi ? espence s from the prosecuting attorney for his aiteDdance ? " 3 . Is it true that he told the Manchester friends , in excuse for the postponement o : his lectures , theL advertised for delivery , that he had to go to Dublin , and that he represented hiwself as being off for that city , *•» l ^ e t ™ e ^ e was "W ^ i ^ g . in Liverpool to give evidence against Dean ! " 4 . Is it tree ihat the constable who apprehendV Dean told him that Bichardson had been paid s sovereign for pointing out the bouse where ht ( Dean ) was to be found I'
Having pat ihess queries , or , as the writter in thflatterpart of his letter calls them , " charges , " he asks whether they are true or false , and concludes by an anathema upon the man who could be guilty , of such conduct j—a course utterly at variance w . th justice , ard to ordinary readers conveys the idea ci a "foregone conclusion , " or as the lawjers say . maRce prepense , ilr . Bichardsoa was applied to bj his frieuas to reply to the above charges , but he refused to do so , saying he should treat them with contempt ; stating also that it was an ungrateful attempt
to destroy his B 3 me wi th tne pubic , to serve particular purposes which he did net chuse to name , but which to the world were evident . His friends , not eatisSed with his silence-, seeing that the above coaduct wws . rds him was likely to deprive the public of his future services to tha ciuse of democracy , and feeling anxious that he should not be forced into retirement , at onceTesolved to meet the charges , and aft them to the bottom . The whole affair having been investigated ,. I have been instructed to answer your correspondent ' s allegatians with candour and truth .
To the first query we answer , it is not true ; and the facts relative to the charge are these . When Dean was at lirkdale he wrote to Richardson for his advice , and requested him to see Mr . Hereford , the prosecuting attorney , abont his o * se ; this Mr . Bichardson did , and received such information from him that induced Mr . Richardson to write to Liver pool , where Tklr . Deen was awaiting his trial , and afterwards , at the request of the attorney , went to Liverpool , and communicated with Mr . Dean such information and instruction as was necessary to carry him through his aprroaching trial .
The second query has been partly answered m the above paragraph . As to his having received £ 6 6 s . for five or six days' services , we have made every inquiry , bnt have nos been able to trace any sush money to Mr . BAchaidsoits hands . The probabilities are that he has not received such , sum , as we find Mr . Bichardson , on his return from Dublin to Liverpool , borrowins money from a friend at Liverpool , to enable him to stay in Liverpool after Dean had pleaded guihy , to procure bail for Dsan . Mr . Sin&rt ,- bookseller , of Liverpool , was one to whom ilr . Bichardson applied to give bail for him , which "Mr , Stuart could testify . Indeed , had Mr . Bichardioa been there a 3 a witness , it is well known that he eoald not have obtained one guinea a day—a stun only allowed to professional men , the 'faculty , snd to merchants .
To the third query . We have ascertained that Mr Richardson did not give up his lectures in Manchester because he had to give evidence against Dean , but in order that he could s § rve Dean in his cifieulties , and at the same time , whilst in Liverpool , he went to Dublin on his lawful business , luring his stay at Liverpool he called upon Dean , sad remained with him f « r some days , tendering his JStistaoce in every W 3 y , for which Dean was , and is to thi 3 day truly grateful . The fourth query insinuates , that the constable who apprehended Mr . Dean , told him that Air . Hichaiiison had been paii a sovereign for shovring ; "where Ml . Dean lived . This charge is answered by Mi . Dean hitcself , who positively denies the assertion ; and further , we went to the Chief Commis-EDDer of Tollze—the highest and best authority in Manchester—nnder whose direction Mr . Dean was
ipprehended , and he unequivocally affirmed t to be * lie ,- intimatiiig that policemen w . re not , generally speaiisg , so patriotic as to give sovereigns for such Hrrices ; and that the arrest of Mr . Dean took place is conssqutiice of a Bench warrant , issued at the time Mr . Richardson was indicted , and which he considered it to be his doty to serve * hewing that ilr . Dean was in town . He stated also , taat when Jtr . Dean was arrested , Mr . Bntterworth and Mr . liichardsou came and offered bail for him , but being themselves tiuder bail , and the assizes taking place in a few days , he recommended them , Messrs .
Butterworth and RichardEOB , to let Mr . Dean go to Liverpool . We hare impartially investigated the whole matter , and his oar firm belief that the whole of the lurges are false , and have had their origin in enTioas "hearsays" and " sajs-sos" of malignant tongues . In conclusion , we beg to request you to JEser t this letter in justice to Mr . B .: chardson , and to counteract ihe pernicious tendency of the letter of the " Radical of the O : d S c hool , " who , we feel brand . to say , ought to have ^ iven his name when he prefers charges of such a serious nature against an Iffiiaent individual .
Mr . Rich&rdsscn has been a grievous sufferer in the cause of Chartism—sufferings which none can tosow so Wr II as his particular friends—sufferings tmost BDparalle-ed amongst Chartists . Imprisonment and _ pecuniary embarassments , brought on toough iis zsal and activity in the cause of demo-Gscy , have reduced him from afSuence to poverty , tod we feel justified in declaring , that at this moto-nt R . J . Richardson is more worthy of the suppi-n of every real lover of liberty than of pnblic opprobrium and censure . His usefulness cannot be fstsuonedj and his services to the cause eannot be grated . Why , then , Ebould we sacrifice bis ^ ity and his services ! Let us be just , at all events , » weeumot be generous .
I remain , jours in the cause of freedem , Be . vjamin Stotx , Manchester . &PJ of ^ Mr . Dean ' s letter to Mr . Richardson : — Kirkdale , 2 * th March , 1841 . Sm—I am ad-rised by parties here to employ ^ ccseTon my trial . I have not the means to do 8 ) 1 I wish jour advice , and the advice of my friends en vnis subject , whether you think it necessary to ^ e farther steps in my case . " Write by return of pfct , and itt me baTe aii information possible ; and * ~?' J en have seen the prosecuting as attorney . ^ M wiiaj he thinks of the matter .
Yoars , respectfully , Chmstophke Deah . [ On this we have one or two words to say . The writer chooses to make it appear that the charges " * £ * &st Mr . Richardson weie originally preferred bj jae "Radical of the old School , ' whereas he must nave known that they were preferred by a number of Chanmsin MancheEter , who placed iheir names « t the bottom of them ; and that , after they had wen wicontradicled for a long period , the Radieal " toerelj wrote to ask if they were true or false ; atering «« if they were trne , Mr . Richardson waa politieilly damned . We mestion this , to prevent the jx&dbUUy of its being thonght possible that we should " » Te given currency to charges so black on anonytoons authority : for tuia is the inference to be w&wn from Mr . Stott ' s letter , as he has pat it . It ^ . with persons trAo gave their name * that Mr . ^ ehardson , orhia knignt , Mr . Stott , has to do ; and J » i with the '• Radical "
. "Who this Mr , S . ott iB , or who are his friends , thaJ {¦ Sis volunteer a defence for Mr . Richardson , when 5 deems one useless or unnecessary himself , we « ovr not . At all events , we think Mr . Richardson |* s cause to be thankful to item ; for they certainly p ^ Bjin this matter , shown a much greater regard ^^ fair fame than he has evinced himself . ins public , however , have , at last , some sort of an ywer to the charges that were preferred against ** . some six months ago , by parties Manches-
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ter , well known , and who gave their names . Mr . Stott says "the whole matter has been impartially investigated f * bnt he does not inform us whether Messrs . Joseph Linney , JameB Wood , Paul Fairclough , Samuel Chamberlain , Henry Nuttall , James Wheeler , James Harrison , James Leech , Thoma 3 Davies , George . Mitchell , and Robert Gray were parties to this investigation or not ; or whether they even knew of its beingentered upon ; and we opine that they ought to have known oftf the investigation , " and been parlies to it too , for they preferred the charges , under their own hands , in the Northern Star , of the 14 th of August last . We fancy these parties should have been informed of the intention of Mr . Stott
and bis friends to institute this * 'investigation ; " or they ought to have been waited on , and asked on what authority they preferred the " charges , " and what evidence they had to offer in support of them . It does not appear from Mr . Stott ' s letter that this has been done . The " investigators" seem rather more disposed to fix the preferment of the " charges " upon the " Radical of the Old School , " and to fiijht with Mm , than with these persons , who live at Mr . Stottr's own door . What the gentlemen above-named will say to Mr . Stott we know not ; but , unless they hare been parties to thi 3 "investigation , " we suppose they will have something to say , either in unison or in rectification .
One word more . Mr . Stott says , that the note we appended to the letter of the * ' Radical" was written in an * ' uncharitable style . " If it it were '' uncharitable" to call upon Mr . Richardson to meet charges so strongly put , and so openly made , we were " uncharitable . " But , at all events , we were no more so than Mr . Stott We saw the necessity of these charges being answered and rebutted , could * " they be rebutted ; and we said so . Mr . Stott saw the same , and not only said as we did , but generously attempted the task which Mr . Richardson should have performed for himself long ago 1—Ed .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Fellow-Cootbtmex , —In my letter of the 5 th inst ., you "will remember that I proposed a question for your consideration , namely , " are we justified in points of law and religion in opposing our present rulers ?' Yon have therein seen 1117 opinions on the justness of such a course , and we will now , if you please , consider the latter , but perhaps not less formidable part cf the question , and examine whether religion binds us to obey those who injure us . Before we proceed , it may not be improper to rem * ik , that nature endowed all beings -with instinctive powers for the powers of self-defence , and tXus , man , aniongst the rest , possesses the principles of self-preservation . He is , therefore , &o far as nature is concerned , justified in opposing all measures which are at variance with his interests or happiness .
The principles of self-preservation is , however not equal in all , for "whilst many persons possess scarcely spirit sufficient to carry them through the ordinary difficulties of life , and who tremhle at the shsdow of opposition , by far the greater number possess it in the extreme ; it is this snperflaity of principle which creates the bad passions of the heart ; and thus man becomes » n aggressive animal . "We find tha superfluity of this princiyie evincing itself in the conduct of the firstborn of the human race—Ids bad passions are excited against his brother , and are only extinguished in his blood . Man has , therefore , from the commencement distincuisaed himself for acts of cruelty to his race , and has borr-e , and tery justly , the character of an aggressive animal .
When the great First Cause bronght man into existence , he foresaw that such w ould b « the csnseqaence , and "wisely imposed injunctions upon him that he should obey his commands , and testified his displeasure at the conduct of Cain for murdering his brother , for the Scriptures say— "His bl * od crfcd to Heaven for vengeance , " aad that the " Lord set a mark upon him . " It would be * folly to attempt "within the small c « mp&ss of a letter to state all the facts which bear upon this point i r that tend to prove that Heaven from the earnmencement disapproved of violence and oppression ; svMce to say , that religion tras founded by the " Redeemer" for the purpose of restraining the violence of men ' s passions * cd to unite them in bonds of fraternal charity . How far this object has been attiined , I leave
to the sanciiSed hypocrite of a Slate Church to determine , but how far the present system of Church E » t * blitktnent in these countries accords with the intuition of the Divine Founder of religion , remains to be shown . We shall now take a rapid glance of the leading features of the tvro sj stems , and I sincerely hope the contrast will l « vd you to perceive that you are justified in point of relifion in , opposing your present rnlers . All parties professing Christianity , no matter "what their sect , agree that charity is the basis of trae religion ; and this is further proved by tha life and dcatk of the Redeems * , who offered himself as a sacrifice for the benefit of man . Here , then , we may ask , -wnat is the charity evinced Dy tie apostles of our State Church , or what " Mother Ciiurch" herself can show to prove that her principles
are based upon Christian charity ? Answer me , thou bloated hypocritical oJd woman . Have you one solitary feeling of sympathy in your adamantine bosom for tae sorrows , the miseries , the "wretchedness , and almost hopeless condition r . f the suffering poor ? Shew me , if you can , that your principles are based up « n Christian charity , whilst you live in open hostility with the class whom the Redeemer recommended to your especial care , and with whom he resided tipon earth . Had your Divine Mister a palace , servants , horses , coaches , and all the paraphanaiia of elegance and luxury to wait upon him ? or dost fcou ne ? er reflect , that although you sleep beneath a gilded canopy , with coverings of purple and gold , that He , in whose footsteps you profess to tread , " had not a place to lay his head . " Tell me ,
charitable Old Lauyl what yon thine of the Son of God satiEfying his hunger by " plucking eara of corn on the sabbath , " and of the starving and famishing millions of his creatures who surround your palace whilst your tables are gToaninc beneath a load of luxnrit * procured from their blood and garnished by their tears ? Answer me , Old Lady , was the Church of Christ a political cbnrch or did jout Divine ^ faster employ bayoneti and halters , or did he use fire and sword to enforce his doctrine , or compel those who differ with him to contribute to Ms support ? Hd he raise the "widow ' s son , or , lite yon , stain her threshold with the blood of her orphan children ? ' Oh , no ! be shed no blood save his own ; nor has- he shown you , either by precept or example , that religion should be established fey force or supported by the life-blood cf innocence .
Of what benefit to religion or to socitty is the connection cf the Church with the State ? or does it make men more holy or exemplary by being compelled to pay for prayers which are offered contrary to their notions of worship ? Is it j ^ st that nine-tenths of the people of Great Britain should be compelled to support a pampered kierarchy , whilst millions of the people are starving and djing for want of the common necessaries of life ? What . ' ¦ shall a sum little short of ten millions sterling be annually given to those locusts , whilst thousands of the families of the poor have to live npon JJ ^ d . per hea 4 per week , and whilst famine and misery are ravaging the land , and the voice of the oppressed and the poo- are crying to heaven for vengeance ? Tremble , you mighty hypocrite , vengeance will assuredly come , for He wbo will not let a sparrow fall to the ground will ere long stretch out his hand and avenge the wrongs of the poor .
We are told that the people of these countries po 8 * es 3 liberty of conscience : but can it be so when they are compelled to support a clergy whom they do not recognise , and raise churches which they never enter ? If we are to have liberty of conscience , let us have it as we onght to have it—let every Church Eupport its own ministers ; and I cannot see why the saints of a State Church cannot live as the ministers of other Churches do , and walk to church on a Sunday , as many & mere zealous advocate of Christianity does , instead of riding in a gilded coach at the expsnee of the people . Kor can I &ee -why , if they are truly the disciples of their sanctified Master , they should not , like him , be content to follow his exawple .
He had no coach to ride in ; and yet he travelled to the mountain , and not only preached , but fed the multitude who followed him . Do the bishops of onr " State Church" do so ? Are they to be found in the " highways" and "byways " inYitang-the people to the marriage feast ; or do we find them blessing the loaves and fishes , and distributing them amongst their famishing flocks ? O , no ! It would be quite unfashionable to do so—the Redeemer was a little-minded being when compared t « his modem disciples nf a State Church—they find it mere comfortable , more genteel , to lounge in" a chapel of ease , " and dose away the time of service in a crimson cushioned pew , to the edification of their wealthy and fashionable neighbours . And as to loaves and fishes , they are all
to be found iu my lord ' s pantry . They are almost out ef fashion with the multitude ; for it is now three hundred yearB rince the state church begun to angle for herself , and so expert has she bees that she has sc vrcely left a sprat for the poor . Only let a score or two of the miserable victims of hunger and oppression present themselves at the door of a Right Reverend Father in God's palace , and yon will have an opportunity of witnessing the unbounded Christian charity he possesses for hia suffering fellow creatures ; his heart will be filled not with compassion , but pride . And it is not improbable tbat , instead of sending bis servants with foad to nourish . their fainting bodies , he will hand them over to tke tender mercies of the " police , " and have them dragged to prison for intruding themselYes into
his presence , or i * ring to put their unhallowed feet npon his consecrated door step . O , no I The loaves and fishes of the poor hare too long found their way to the table of the bishop ; and "when tb&y cry oat that they are starving they are told in a spirit of Christian charity to " go to the Union . " Yes , poor soul * . the / are driven from the door of one shark into the jaws ef another . And which ever way they turn time is some monster ready to prey upon them . Yes ! this Btate chorda is , of all other churches which we are blessed with , the only one which Bcoms to follow the example of the meek and humble Saviour . ShB alone must have honours and dignities . She alone requires millions of the peoplt' 3 money to prop up her Christian charity , although the people themselves have not bread to eat
Jfo , the "hoiking classes have been , and are , the viciims of the avaiicious graspiBgs of the most lypocriticil sjfctem . of Christian charity which ever cureed a cutiun . ' 2 Iy fellow-countrymen , have net you been
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also visited by the locusts 1 Have you not suffered at their hands , the most unheard-of persecutions for your religious opinions , and been compelled to contribute your snpport to your persecutors . Yes I you have seen a State Church rearing its head in districts where the parson , his clerk , and one or two families comprised the congregation , and you have also , although you never entered it , had to pay your tithe for its support . And that , too , when perhaps your children and your wives werefamishing with want and misery . I ask you , Irishmen , Catholics and Dissenters—nay , I ask the honest Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland , is it justice , or is it consistent with Christian charity , that such an unholy alliance should exist between Church and the State ? The Church of Christ tu not a political c&nrch—nor were the Apostles " lerds" and law makers . " No , but the Apostles of the Stats Church axe both ., and whilst they enjoy their dignity at the expense of the poor , they assist in making laws to grind and coerce them .
This , my fellow-countrymen , is one of the evils which the Charter will remove ; aad if it does no other good than to purge the nation of this monstrous incumbrance , it would be worth straggling for . You have seen , that justice is denied you , and that you are the victims of a host of tyrants , whose interett it is to enslave you ; they know that the moment you obtain political power , you will get rid of them , and therefore they oppose you with all their might ; they have ever made it their study to keep you beneath their feet , and for that purpose the saints ef a State Church have kept the people in ignorance ; for they well know that were they educated , they would become politically wise , and that having knowledge they would soon obtain power , and that the exercise of that power would quickly produce the political prostration of the State Church ; they know this , and it is to prevent snch
results that they thus labour against you—but their effort 3 are vain , the people will no longer be imposed on . Their tyrants have ruled them , long enough —the naughty Tory has trampled on your liberty , and crushed you beneath the iron hoof ot despotism , until your spirit cannot bear it longer with submission . The treacherous and contemptible Whigs have sacrificed you to their ambitien , and laughed at your credulity , until the Chartists , your friends , have swept them with indignation from the theatre of their villanies . The Church—aye , that overgrawn nurse i . 4 bigotry and hypocrisy—has too long revelled in luxuries at your ex pence , and fattened on the miseries of the people . But the people are awakening to a sense of tlrnir political degradauon , and are determined never to cease to assert their power and dignity until they obtain that liberty and happiness to which-tLe laws of nature and of man entitle them .
Irishmen ! you are a great portion of the people ; you have been plundered of your birthright , and the damning ii ^ aence of class- legislation has prostrated your country and yourselves to the brink of ruin . Arise ! no longer crouch beneath the footstool of your tyrants , but in your moral strength unite with your friends , toe Chartii * s , in raising yourselves to your proper position in society . Remember , all power originated from the people , and that as there can be no Government without a people , so should "they also be the source of all po ?? er . Snake off your fetters ; be free aa your fathers , and cease not to agitate until you obtain that political power which will enable you to legislate for yourselves . Get rid of yonr State Church , and present system of " Christian charity , " and establish in reality civil and religious liberty . I have the honour to be , F « llow Counirymen , Your moat obedient servant , W . H . CLIFTON .
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?— ¦ ¦ — TO HAMER STANSFELD , ESQ . " Taxes are jl » ed monetary payments and do no < lower with the fall of prices of produce . "—James Penny . " All classes will prey upon all other classes just as much aa they can and dare . "—HamerStumfeld . Sir , —It is a favourite maxim with the politicians of your school thhV if the Corn L * ws were repealedif we had a complete "free trade ia corn . " it "would increase our commerce ia an unlimited degree , ' and give us , according tr > yonr own tt . vteweiit , " prosperity for ages . " Ltt us devota a few moments to the patient consideration of this question , aad endeavour t : > come to just conclusions as to the bearings of the measure upon onr commerce .
Before 1 proceed , it may , perhaps , be necessary shortly to inquire in what commerce consist . What , then , is commerce ? What are its elements ? It is simply the "bartering" of the surplus produce of an individual , or a collection of individuals , for the surplus produce of another individual , or collMtion of individuals . Mystify the thing aa we may , " to this complexion it will com * at last" And , when no third party steps in to disturb the balance of " reciprocity , " it is one of the moti simple operations in the world . Now then , Sir , let ns take things as they are at present ; snd that I may not be accused of misrepresentation , I will take the description of onr state given by men of ycur own party . Lord John Russell said , " Our
merchaiite and manufaetuitrs were in tbe gulf of bankruptcy , and that onr labourers had eaten their beds , " And Mr . Holdforth stated , in last week's Times , that he had personally visited a part of Leeds , and he found " many of the families not having a morsel of anything eatable in tbe house . Amongst the whole number , one family alone had a loif of bread , one twenty potatoes , and another five . One family had existed , for tiro or three days solely on frosted , or rotten roiATOES , found on the wharf , near a vessel from which potatoes vet re unloading" ! ! I will quote no further . This state of things is too horriWe to be borne , and must—yea , must—be changed either by one means or another .
Well , then , here we are in the state above described : and , in order to carry ont the theories of yonr class of politicians , let us suppose , in genuine quack pfcrase ; that the " ¦ umverBol me < Jic " m 8 , " the repeil of the Corn Laws , wkich is to cure us of all the ills that flash is heir to , is applied to-morrow . Let ub suppose this ; how is that measure to cause you , or any one else , to manufacture one Bingle yard of cloth more than they do at present ? Don't be in too much haste in answering ; take time to deliberate befo . e you make up your mind .
Again , Sir , I ask , how is it to cause one single yard of cloth more to be manufactured than is at present ? Yon will reply , after taking time to think , that if we conld take tbe corn of the Polander , he would take onr manufactures , give our labourers " cheap bread , " and eauseus to have " prosperity for ages" ! Let us try that—let ns take you into the market where we have be * n so often before , and see how . your scheme wi 1 tend to increase the quantity of our manufactures . Suppose then , Sir , yeu take your nine yards o £ cloth iuto Leeds market to " barter" for nine loads of wheat ; and by way of increasing onr commerce you barter it with tie Po ' ianfier instead of the Englishman . Now , Sir , you have ' bartered" with the Polander ; you have increased onr foreign commerce ; but how have you increased tbe gross amount of our manufactures 1 If the Poland * , r has got yoor nine yards of cloth has not tha English farmer to go without ?
But , you wi 1 say , if the Corn Laws had been repealed the Polander would have given me eighteen loads of wheat for my nine yards of cloth ; and tb « n we should have heard no more of " families living solely on frosted or rotten potatoes . " Yes , it does appear , at the present , as if you could get a greater number of loads of wheat of the Polander for your nine yards © f cloth than you can of the Englisnian ; but , if tbe Corn Laws were repealed , prices would at onco be equalised , and therefore you conld get no more of the Pylander than vou coul-. l of the Englishman . ¦ :
But , you are here ready to exclaim in triumph , am I not bettered , tben ? do you not yourself acknowledge that I should get eighteen loads of wheat 1 or my niue yards of cloita , instead of the nine loads "which I now get ? And would tfeis be no advantoge to those who are living on " rotten potatoes ? ' Do not chuckle too Boon , Sir . I do not intend to accuse you of the grosa ignorance , the momtrous folly ef those who say ttat wages would net fall in consequence of the fall , or equalisation of prices . Yon know better . Yon know that tr . e farmer could not continue to pay the same rents , nor the same prices to bis collar maker and his blacksmith , nor the same "wages to his labourer , with corn at the . nominal V 3 lne of ten shillings per load , * L : t ae could when he get twenty shillings per load . The thing
is too gross to be entertained for a moment by any one but a " Political Economist" ! And you know also tliat com , being the great standard of actual value , a l other things ultimately find their relative proportion in price ; and that consequently wool would find its relative value . That is , a load of wheat would be worth as many pound * of wool or yards of cloth ; after the repeal of the Corn Laws , as it is at the present In shoit , yon know , that if the load of -wheat which is now wortk twenty shillings , were to come to be worth only ten shillings as a regular thing , the yard of cloth which is now worth twenty shillings would come to be worth only ten shillings likewise . Do not think that I have forgot " the fixed monetary payments " . But I had a fancy to argue the thing with you just aa if there bad been no such thing
in exutenoe . Now then , Sir , "with your cloth red need in its nominal value in proportion to the price of wheat , take yourself again into the marktt with yonr nine yards of cloth to exchange or " barter" for "wheat and then you will find that the Polander can give you no more than the Englishman , and that neither of them will give you any more than nine loads of "wheat for yonr doth . You 8 aw the high Telative value of the Englishman ' s ^ h « at , as compared with the foreigner ' s ; and your mouth watered at the ideaf ot getting eighteen loads of low nominal valued wheat , for your nine yards of high nominal valued cloth ; forgetting that the same causes which had made tbe fanner ' s wheat of a high nominal value , had also caused your cloth to be of high nomi 7 tal value , too .
Now , then , Sir , let ns go back to the place from whence we started , and ask you how a Repeal of tbe Corn Laws la to cause one single yard © f cloth more to be manufactured ? Lit us suppose , tken , that the corn requisite for the consumption of England takes the produce of five millions of acres , aud that there is employed upon these five millions of . acres one million of
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labourers , who , of- ' comae , are consuming manufactured article * ia proportion to their ability . NoWi then , suppose the Com Laws repealed , and , to make the ease complete , suppose .. that we purchase the whole of onr wheat of the Polander , instead of the Englishman , b « w would thaVinmaBethft conaamptldn of cloth to yon as a manufacturer ? it ia true you would have inareased your foretea trade , bat would not the home trade hare diminished in exact proportion I Then , how do you increase yonr trade ? To put the thing in another shape—to make it clearer , if possible—let us suppose that it took twenty millions of yard 3 of doth to " barter ' for the whole of
the com consumed in Eagland ; and let us suppose that you have been la the habit ^ of battering with the English farmer for tbe amount wanted—and let us suppose that the Com Laws are repealed , and , farther , suppose that you take a fancy , by way of " increasing your foreign trade , " to "barter" your twenty millions of yards ^ of cloth with the Pole , how will you bare increased your manufactures ? True , you will have increased your "foreign trade- " true , you will hare bentfitted the Pole to the amount of the cloth he has received but will not tbe Englishmau be injured in exact ratio ? Will not the Englishman have ceased to consume in the same ratio that the Pole has begun to
consume ? ¦ :.-. . . - ' .- . But , even allowing that it will increase our foreign trade ; and even thtt it would increase it in proportion to the whole of our consumption of wheat ; auypoBO this monstrosity ; how would it increase the general trade or employment of the country ? Would there not be the whole of the farmers "who are thrown out of employment by our purchasing wheat of the foreigner ready to eater into the manufactu , ing of cloth to niake up for the extra demand ? Then , how , even in this case , do you in the leart increase the quantity of labour , or benefit the labourer ?!
I know that M'Culloch has told ua that our purchasing our articles of the foreigner makes no nianrieV of difference in the lonf run ; " that it o >; ly changes the speoies without diminishing the quantity . " The man must have been grossly ignorant , or have possessed most astonishing powers of face , before he could 'bring ' himself to make such a statement as this J But , however , taking it as a truth ; allowing that It wouldi > ot " diminish the quantity although it changed tho species ; " still , wise M'Cullochdoes pot pretend that / it would incrmsa - . the quantity . And without it inorease the capacity of either the foreigner or the Englishman to purchase , how could it increase our manufactures ?
Ihen , Sir , how will the repeal of the English Corn Laws have increased the power of tho foreigner to purchase our manufactured articles ? What would he'have to give in exchange then , which he has not now . Come , tell us , what more ha would have to exchange ? The repeal of our Corn Laws could not . have increased his means of exchange . He would still have only hia corn , and why should we go tpPoland to purchase it if we could get it as cheap at home ? And , aa the repeal would equalise prices , we undoubtedly could purchasejas " cheap" at hotn < - . Then why purchase of the foreigner ? And if our purchasing of the foreigner enables him to consume our manufactures , does not eur not purchasing of the English farmer disable him from purchasing in exact ratio ? Besides , should wa hot have the home farmers thrown idle by " our ceasing to purchase of them , competing with us as manufacturers ? All ! Sir , things are not quite so smooth aa ¦ y quBeemto dream ? ' ;
In considering the question in this light I have purposely k ? pt out of sight , "the fixed monetary payments . " I have argued as tf the public engagements of both Polander and Englishman we .-. e equal . You know they are not ! And you also know the injustice that the monstrous inequality existing between ' them would inflict upon the British farmer , under your " Free Trade plan . " But I will . return to this subject again ... - ¦ ' ¦ . . : ¦ ' ; '¦ ¦ ¦¦ . ¦ ¦ - ¦ •'" James Penny . Mill Bridge , February 2 , 1842 .
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THE STONE MASONS ON" STRIKE , FROM THE NEW HOUSES . .-6 » PARLIAMENT , ; AND NELSON ' S MONVMKNT , LONDON , ANIT THE WOOL"WJCH DOCKVAHD , To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and Ireland " Throngh the existing system of unequal exchangea ' the working classes are plundered on itU sides . They form , like their parent earth , a common pasture-ground , by the iihpoveriahment of which all crawling and creeeping things feed and fatten . " Brethren , —Changes have taken place in bur position since we last addressed you , calculated to cheer us ou in the " good fight" In which we are now engaged . The vitality of toe " league" recently instituted in Cornwall to " starve onr members into anbmiasioh , " has already departed . With one exception a virtue has been wade of necessity , Grissell and Peto ' s orders abandoned , and near thirty of our members have resumed their usual employment ' -. - ¦ ¦ ¦ . . : ¦"
At Woolwich , a complete mutiny has taken place . Qrissell and Peto finding that e ^ ren at the pittance unto which they had reduced those who have attempted to fill the placeB of our members ; thby were by far too utiprc fltable a bargain , or , as we have before stated ; to gefc rid of them , on Saturday last had all their jobs valued , with a view to the general introduotidn of piece work . A rebellion was the immediate const quence ; ' routs , riots , and tumultuous meetings , disturbing the peace of their taskmaster , ' followed in quick succession , and , so far as our knowledge now extends , resulted in above fifty of them making their exit , loudly denouncing the treachery and "inhumanity" « f Grissell and Peto towards them ; and amidst the execrations of a duped populace , with whom it appears they had somewhat extensively contracted debts . .
At the Houses of Parliament they have been several nights sten engaged taking down , work which the architect had condemned . Little or no progress is perceivable in the building ; and we hesitate not to predict , that proceedings , simitar to those whicla have transpired at Woolwich , will immediately follow atplicae woiks , preliminary to the entire diabanding of the incongvuous mass of rubbish they have taken so much pains to collect . Oa toe evening of Tuesday the 25 th ult a " feed" in commemoration of the " Royal farce , " which came off at Windsor that day , waa given to those employed at the Heuses of Parliament . Grissell attended , and harangued them ct considerable iengtfi , during which he
stated , tbRt " Often had he and his partner congratulated themselves on tbe efficient , steady , and industrious set of masons they bad in their employ ; that they were a jewel to any employers ; that he regretted their withdrawal from his employment , and sympathised much for them , knowing that tftsy must have endured many privations ; he gave them credit for the determined manner in « hicb they had opposed him : they had Bot ' lbft a stone unturned likely to affect his interest orfacilitate in their favour the termination of the strike . He was , however , « ure that it had all been the work of a few disaffected and designing men , whom , he thought , would soon gt . t into other employmunt , and then the rest would return and work conifortaWy with them , "
In juxta position with Grisseirs : statement relative to the turnout being tho work of a fow , we place the conduct of the whole for tb . 6 very long period of twenty weeks ; the great number that turned out , and the few that have turned traitors , notwithstanding its taking place and continuing through that season of tho year in which they were least likely to be supported . The Times newspaper of Wednesday last , in a feeler as to our intentions ; declared - the period was " very remote" at which G . and P . would dismiss Allen . We can assure the Times , f G . and P ., and Alien , too , that the time is indeed " remote" when we shall be found working * ' comfoitably" with his imbecile sycophantic slaves . ¦ ¦ "¦ ¦• : ¦ '¦¦ - . ¦ . " , . ¦ '' . ' . - . " ¦¦ ' ¦ • .. " ¦ '¦ ¦¦ ¦
At the Monument it would need more perception than mo « Jern phUespphy can supply , to discover what upwards of fifty masons (?) have , been doing for the great length of time which has transpired since our members ltft ; and , thanks to the MEN of Devonshire and Cornwall , they are not likely presently , to do any more . ¦ - ' . - ' - . ' ; '' ¦¦'¦¦ . ¦ . ' ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ' . ' . ¦' At Dartmoor and Plynjouth the turnouts are going on bravely . The bribe of drink lias been attempted by the Granite Company ' s minions , with an intention of making them tlrunfc , and then inducing them to agree , to resume their work . It bis been indignantly rejected ; and will be as often as it may be offered . As on evidence of the Incapability of those they have ; gut in their places , and which are farmer ' s men , Davlgators , &c , two of these have * ' cut , " after working a fortu ' ght ; ' one earning ninepence , and the other , who was co :. sirkied their best man nine ' shillings . The work , it must ; b& enderstood , is t > y the piece—^ they are not paid for what they spoil , /> . /
Meeting with but little success , G , and P . have discontinued advertising for Granite Masons , < fec , about Aberdeen . \ : ' " . '' . , '''¦ . ' . ' . ' :. ; : ^ . : ' . ' . . ''' ¦ : The entire number now on the funds are about three hundred , and "as circtiiristances are now daily tending to onr advantage , if the sons' and daughters—aye , and daughters of honest labbar—aiding the patriotic ot their sex now st uggling vith adversity , rather than suffer the partners of their life to aubniit to insult and contumely , will come fairly to the battle , the powers of the enemy shall be subdued and annihilated—rtbe great moral fight in whicb . " we are engaged terminate in spotless victory—and , we hope , prow the harbinger of that unity , that mutual aad reciprocal good feeling among the working classes , essential to the attaiuing- ^ ahd then maintaining that position in the great family of mankind , which the Author of their existence intended theyshomldoecupy . ^ ... ., r
We again take the liberty of calling your attention to the lines with which we have headed oar address , the truths they must convey to every thinking mind are palpable and complete . The neighbourhood , of London has , for the last ten days , furuisbed ocular demonstration that the working classes arer «' tee common pasturer ground on which all crawling and creeping things feed and fatten . " Honest ppvejty has been mocked bypaippered Royalty , Aristocracy , and ill-got capital . The few have been occupied in" riots , routs , " and Royal farce foolery , whil the many that "throughi theexists ing system of unequal exchanges' have proyidfcd the means , have been starving—^ literally perishing from want Tbis , however , is only an effect . What is the cause ? Existing inequality of labour , Which has produced inequality of wealth , and giyen possession , to inequality of power , is the cause of this ; arid reason tells us , that there is no cure for an tffect while the
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cause remains untouched . If the working classes would improve their'condition— 'If they would alter the system that makes one man so undeservedly rich , and another bo unmeritedly poor—^ they must no longer waste their moans in desultory and unequal cbnflicta with effects , but decisively grapple with and destroy the cause from which they arise . The vast amount of wealth they create , compared with the email amount they enjoy , should- stimulate them to thi 3—a knowledge that the smallest alleviation tortteir unmerited powrty and distress is denied them , except in
connection with hardship and degradation . Society , as at present constituted , offers neither welcome or shelter to the wife or children of , decayed workmen whose strength has been exhausted in unremitting toil inits service , they must wander—poor and penniless mendicants , or , like criminals , be confined in pauper bastiles , where the mother ; is parted from her childreuT-the children from each othsr---the chords which should bind their infantine hearts in brotherly love snapped asunder •—where all are disregarded and ill treated , because the parties which inflict ^^ these cruelties hare had the power to make them poor . . ;
To change a system productive of so much evil to the producing and roost useful portion of society , more than the isolated endeavouta of a mere friction , is indispensable . All are affected by its existence ; it generates vice , hatred , and uncharit . ibieness , through all its ramifications . Its subveraiou and the establishment of a better and more .. rational system must therefore . ! be undertaken by ALL . Their efforts and means must be concentrated—an . unbroken confederacy must be organised , hot for the purpose of attacking the capitalists as individuals , but "that system which givesto irresponsible individuals the power of grinding masses of labour between masses of capital . "
Should the practicability of these propositions be by any doubted , we offer its evidence in their favour the power of our present unions contrasted with that of our individual and isolated strength—the power of ten men united is greater thun that of twenty divided ; hence the power of the monied-few—comtined—over the toilingmany— -divided . We repeat , that if tbe united effjrts of tho workingclasses , and "the funds ef their innumerable societies , " were applied for , instead of against themselves , the present system of " unequal exchanges , " which , now lays them prostrate , " a common pasture-ground , " would be undermined in all directions , and speedily crumble down in ruins .
Again seriously hoping that , at the termination of out present strike , with a viaw to prevent a recurrence , this , subject will receive due consideration ; arid thanking al £ for the liberal support we have received , V We remain gratefully yours , The Masons' society , Thomas Shortx , Seo . 6 , Agnes-street , Waterloo-road , FebiuMy 2 , 18 < 2 .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN , Brother Chartists , —We ask , are you still slumbering , or what are you thinking abbut f It is now three triojiihs' since ; we appealed to you , to assist in supporting those Whig-made widows of the brayest of Britain ' s sons . During twelve months before that , when vve had four times the number iu prison than are now , we could send to each widow ( made bo by Whi ^ gery ) three times as often , is we as present cau , to those whose husbands are still detained in prison . by the Tory ; ' Administration Some to v ? hom we have personally applied , say , ' ¦ ' . They thought thas the birth of a Prince of Wales had giveiv liberty to all political prisoners . " E . inp'y . thoughts ! No , no , friends ; the balance sheet w ; ll shew you otherwise ; you will there see the namf-s of those who have beisn relieved and are still iu durance vile , and several others whom it hasnot been in our power to relieve .
We now call upon you in the name of all that is good , if you lovo your country , or have the least spark of sympathy in your breast , and a single' drop of liberty ' s blood flowing ia your veins , to exert yourselves in the cause of euff- 'ring huir . aniiy Imagine yoarssjyes in prison , and your wives and families starving tor want ; what must bo the sensation you would feel ? Are they not suffering iu your cause as well as their own ? Aronse , then , i ' rom your slumbers ; awakoj exert yourselves , and ra . L-e a kubscripiibn in every ' association room , Thea you will not only be doing that vsrhich is joar duty , but you will ease the minds of those brave men who aro suffering in a good cause , and also command the sincere thauks of . The NATiONAt Victim Fund Committee . N . B . All communicationti to be forwarded to Mr . A . Hey wood , Oldbatn-3 treeti , or Mr . Peter iShorrbeks , 6 eor ( itary , 70 , Guu-ttreet , Manchester .
JJAI . ANCE SHEET OF THE NATIONAL VICTIM PUND COMMITTEE FROM ; THE 28 tu OF AUGUST , 1841 , TO THE 2 ND OF FEBRUARY , 1842 . ¦ ¦ ¦¦'¦¦ . ' ¦¦ ¦ - ¦ ' . '¦ ¦ : ' ' . ¦'¦ ¦ . - . " : - ¦ . .- ¦ . -, ¦ ' ¦ . ' - ¦¦ : ¦ . ¦ ¦ : £ e . d . Aug . 28—Cash in Mr ; Heyweod ' s hands as treasurer ... ... 10 8 0 From . Carlwio ., per Jos . West ... 0 2 6 * . - From Newton Haath , per E . Travis ... ... ... 0 4 0 Sept . 11 . —From Sowcrbyyper Jno . Crolly ,
toMr . Cainf , beU ; ... ... 0 12 0 _ From Soylaud Mills , dp ., c * o . 0 9 0 FromEcinburgh N . C . A . do . 1 0 0 „ Ditto , the readers of the NorjhernStur , do . ... ... 0 10 0 Sept . 14—From the To wtr Hamlets N . C . A . per Charles Johns ... 10 0 ^ . From Handley and Shelton N . C . A ., per Henry Sharp 0 10 0 « . . . ' " After a lecture by Mr . Lcaeh , per Mr . Ralton ... ... 0 0 10 ¦ ¦ « ¦ ¦ Eaai ) Manchester Joint Stock Company , per Air . Jamos
Cartledge ... ... ... 0 5 0 Sept . 20—From Wellington , Newcastleupon-Tyne , per Arthur ... 10 0 „ From Newcastle-upon-Tyue N . C . A ., per Isaac Bruce 0 3 0 Oct . 2 Q—From Brighton N . C . A ., per \ Vm . Flowers ... ... 1 0 0 From Mr . Ruffy Ridley , of London , per Heywood ' . » . 0 10 0 Deo . 20—FromMr . Bvickley , ofDoi \ ca 3 ter , per Mr . Campbell ... i .. ¦ 0 ¦ 5 0 Jan . 22—From the Northern Star , per Mr . Ardill ... ... ... 27 4 4
Total money received by committee ... ... ... 45 3 8 Total money paid by do . 33 15 0 Balance in hand Feb . 2 , 1842 . 11 8 8 1841 . Aug . 28—Mr . Potts , of Bath ... ... 200 Mrs . Peddie , of Etlmbro ... 10 0 Mrs . Foden , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Marshall , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ^ Mre . Holberry , ditto 10 0 Mrs . Penthorp , ; ditto 1 0 0 Sept ; 12—Mr . Carrier , of Tro-wbridge ... 1 0 0 ^ Mrs . Jones , of Monmouthshire 1 0 0 Sept . 27—Mr . O'Brien , on his liberation from Lancaster ... ... 1 0 0
Aug . 30--Mrs , O'Brien , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Sept . 27—Mrs . Aahton , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 . » Mrs . Crabtree , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs , Walker ^ of Bradford ... 10 0 ~ Mrs . Brooks , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ^ Mrs . Robertsv of Birmingham-. 10 0 Jany . 25—Mrs . Fodon , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 „ Mrs . Marshall , ditto ... ... 10 0 „ Mrs . Holberry , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Walker * of Bradford ... 1 0 0 „ Mrs . Brooks , ditto ... ... 10 0 « . Mrs . Peddie of Edinbro' ... 1 0 0 * Mrfl . Dawson , of Oldham ... 1 0 . 0 « . Mrs . Brooks , of Leigh ; ... ... 1 0 0 « . Mrs . Emanuel Evan ' , of
Bre-• ¦ .. conshire- •' .:,. . ; . » l * .. ... 1 0 : 9 v Mr . James Goodwin , ditto ... 1 0 0 ^ Mte . Merideth , ditto ... ... 10 0 > MrS ^ Price , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ^ Mrs . Elizabeth Jones , of Monmouthshire ... ... ... 1 0 0 Mr . Pentborp , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 „ Mrs . Ashton , of Barnsley ... 10 0 - . ¦ « Mrs . Crab tree , ' ditto ... ... 1 0 0 « . - Mrs . Roberts , of Birmingham ... 10 0 ¦ „ Expences of the Committee in Stamps , Rent , &c . ... ... 0 15 0 £ 33 15 0 Audited and found correct by James Wheeler , Andrew MELviitB , Samuel Chamberlain , James MiLLiNGTON , James Rushton , Wm . Maddociis , Peter Shohhockjs , " Secretary .
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TO THE WORKING MEN ; OF SCOTLAND . Fell » w Gocktrymen , —I h&ve addressed to yo * three letters on toe rejection of the National Petition , and I have observed "with pleasure the report of the proceedings in Aberdeen , Lanark , and other places . I have also read , with' some degree : of ^^ surprise , that Mr . John Dancan , of Dundee , has taken ¦ ¦' up the gauntlet , ia fayour of the objectors to the meritB and necessity of the National Petition , and as Mr . Duncan states , that the English readers of theStar , together wiihmyself , sire ignorant of tbe objections it beconlea necessary for me to examine this true and authentic account of tos real ground of difference on the question at ifiaue . I need not trouble tSe readers \ rith any remarks aa t * the estimation in yrbichl hold Mr . vDaecan , as you th « f working nien are fully aware of the high opinion I have entiitiined of his iervices in the cause .
I shall , therefore , confine myself to Mr Dancan ' s letter , aud as acouBtryiuaB and a Cbartist , I ihall answer it without dragging in my colleagues of the ^ Exe - cutive CounciL ^ C Mr . Duncan bids us mark feat ; the great principle of the . Charter refers solely to the cor . ttatutioh of tb « logisl . v # ure ; that in fee truth of these principles lies our strength ; and , therefore , tbat we slibuld not mix with , them acy otber opinions . ; Mi . Duncitn should also have reraaTked that the British Constitut ' ion is a syries of acts of Parliamenti whose spirit is hostile to fTefidom , whose workirur is iiijurious to labour , and whose effects ar « witnessed in the political degradatidn , sociai misery , and getitjral wretchedness of the working millions , and ^ thertfore , to destroy partial and oppressive laws , w » point out grievances , trace them to their source , aed dvmand a , power to amend , ab&Tish , or refdiuie th » Coristitution or Acte ( 4 f Pariiaiuect compdsinsr it
' The union with Ireland and the English New Poor Law areaets of a legislature irresponsible and having ( like the English Executive Council ' -. !)¦;« carle , blanche Jrom our class to over-tax and uuder-feed the whole people with or without their consent . : The Chniter is intended to confer power upon all , bat it is hot tho mere possession , but the use and exercise of tho majority of the sufFiage , which is to bring relief and spread happiness over the laud , therefore i widely differ with Mr . DuncaD , when he dosignates admitted and terrible grievances as nvete opinious , which opinions are not to be Xattained by a section of the Scottish leaders , even if the . Cbartists , however numerous , were to adopt . ahd pfoclaiiu . them . I am bound to abide by the vote of the majority , arid I will attshd to its decision , even if the majority be termed " alarga section of our body . " ^ -
The grievarices produced by class legislation gave rise to the agitation : for ''¦ tho . Chiirter , the " abolition of those grievances is the chief end of the Charter , aud the possession of poster to tffectthat end , isttiesole desire ] of tke working classes .. : ;• - . ' . i It is "idleto tell methiA I ought not or I must ao allude to the Poor Law and the Uaiori with Ireland , , bocJiusQ certain persons do not lik < 3 it I will , if po * - siblei continuitily widen our pesition , and by enumerating our grievances , multiply pur claims for rei-ress , and so far from that honest and open course being based upon expediency the very opposite is be ^ t calculated to give force to tbat charge . " .. . : '; . -. -. - . "'¦ ' "' Thus , it is not politic to mention the Poor Law , because we will lose the Sialtbusians , the Church of St . , Ann ' s , Glasgow ; because we will be deserted by the parsons on the Kapealpf the Irish Union ; because we W'l lba strengthened by tbe Irisb people .
Away with such polioy-mongering crotchets and if W 9 have a grievance , let us be bold enough to name it , . honest enough to point continually at it , and c ;> n 8 is 5 ent enough always to say that a wrong is a wrong and ought to be abbliBb « d > ' Tho man who fetis bimstlf aggrieved or insulted by the relation of a public grievance will never use his private vote er influence , to remove it , and if the * denunciation of the New Poor Law has excited the hostility of the Malthuaian Cbartis ' ts , I leel Batisfied that if they hadpower , their philosophical tyranny would bemoreatrocious and inhuman than tie present barbarous and feudal system of G-overnment . . : I may likewise remark that my efforts are directed t # no thsoriea ; but to the vfie cting of practical good for the working men . The Poor Law is a iiractical evil the remedy is the suffrage ; and thatl would not thanfe you for , unless I believed that the working classes would ; U 8 eitfor their especial advantage . . ¦ . ; -
To conclude tho question of the merits of tbe Petl * tion as a . whole , I btilieve the Constitution to consist of a series of unjust- acts of Parliament—ttiat they give rise to the esisclng grievances—that the Chatter would strike at the root otall bviis—and that , if we did not continuously repeat pur couiplaints . and point out our just claims , we would either be . too Bervilu to deserve pjwer ,. too degraded to u « o it , or too ignorant or selfish to do jufctice , wbon we had tho power . ¦ The Prititioa does not state all . Therefore , in my . opinion , the only reasonable objection to it is that it has not enumerated more gtievancea I care not for the gipana of faction , or the wincing of the galled jade of oppression . Oa the justice of our principle , the honest relation of wiopgs , and the firm advocacy of out righto , consist the glory of the Charter , ami the duty of every Chartist . - ¦¦ - ' . ,-. v ¦"" ,- ¦ ' . '¦
TUe loaawho "will not aubinit to the vote of the majority cannot b ^ . a Chartist ; and he who would &e 6 up private tueories against the public guod can lay no claim to principle or patriotism . ; . Mr . Duncan saya , that ahti repealers pf the Corn Laws , Maithusians , and churchmen may all be Chajtists . No doubt they niay . be mongrels , and call themselves Chartists ;' but no honeit man : cau call them frieutis to the labourers ; and if the meaning : of the term Cbartiat is ao very vague and accommodating , it ia time we . underiitobd it bdtter , and learned to distiuguish a Iamb from a wolf . Mr . Duncan accuses the framera of the Petition of setting up an , « n warrantable standarri of Chartism ; in other worJs , that we make oar positioa so wide , our boundaries so definable , and our objects so prominenb that we eitbijr frighten away tlie wolves from the fold , or muzzle them when - "they mix with the flock .
Tn © next singular part of -Mr ., puncan ' a . conduct i 8 macie apparent in the fact , that in one little paxagrapll he denies the fraiyers of the petition the right , of adopting a poaitien that cannst be mistaken , aud instantly comiaita the error of erecting : a 8 tarn ' ard-of hia own . He says , " As Chartifcts we hold a certain fixed opinion upon the constitution of the legislature - . but no one particular opinion whulever upon any of Hie Imvs Unit ought to be . possessed b y it . " For such standard , of ^ Chartism , convenient as it may be in the eyes of those who seeks expediency under pdnciple , I cannot subscribe , because I not oniy object
to the powers of the legislature , bnt likewise to the laws they have framed , and far frcai entt-rtaiuing no opinion whatever en one er two , I have the strong ** opinion as to | the ; absolute necessity of curtailing the pawersof the one and widening the equity of the other . Which atuudd . id' is the most warraauble and the most in accordance with the principles of the Charter ? ^ Mr . Dunc an wilfully mistakes the ma jonty for a faction—grievances fer ojpinions—and broad principle for base expediency—and , therefore , bis whole positioa being founded in error , his arguments , as a matter of ciurse , fail to the ground . ¦ i
I am told , workingmen of Scotia d , thss by your directions the leaders acted in tbe Scottish Convention . If so , I ask again , if , previous to your decision , jou beard both skies of the question ! .. Your recent . decisions have proved ; that "to epmmit a false stepis bad—to repair the evil WwisdomV * I cannot beliuvu that working men in , ar . y cpuctry , can decide in iavour of oppression being continued , in arctJieri unless they are dupes or slaves . I will no * believe that the Scottish people have been unjust enough t » give thair voice in favour cf the New Poor Law for Eaglaud , because their yaraqna fur , ' t * eir peculiar benefit have t njbt them that jb servo God is to submit to be robbed , and then to practice obeaience to therobbers .
Mr . Duncan aliould read tbe rules and regulations of ; the National Chait ^ r Association , and hs wili then unden t md the principles upon which thti Executive are ackug . I can icf jr ' ni him if this much ; that no member of the Executive represent j a constituency of five or 'fifty , and thut they are 1 not elected by delegates : whose qualifications have betn repudiated by the best of all judges— -the people . ; 1 jshould be sorry to : suppose that Mr . Doccan has been duped . I am ceitiin te is mittaken , and I doubt not in time the end will be more apptfeut , or the period ig a ^ t f ^ r d istant when leading men will throw tte mask from their fices and be exposedin their intrigue ; then it wili be discovered that many good men have been , used as tools , awl thousands of workingmfcn by which political traffic could be ejected . :
Follow counttynifcn , in the petition your grievances arc prorninently explained . Are we to Le reviled aud denounced because : we have been firm enough to point the finger of scorn to the diabolical laws which have B 9 long afiiict ^ d and scourged you ? If it is to be bo , ; then I shaU stand , for one , in the position I haye cboson , viz . for the ' rights of labour . Let . others contend for the rights of the middle class , the parsons , or the capitalists . I renounce all expediency , aid whilst I have power , truth , however feebly , shall be expressed . . .. ' .. ' ¦ . ' ¦ ¦ ' . : ¦[ - ¦ '¦ : '• : >; ~ .- . ' .:. : :: ' . ' f .: •'' ..- . ' Sign the National Petition , eoBsultlnc ; first your own judgmeut , instead of the advice of men ; appeal to your own reason , sympathy , and national honour , and you will : have a response alike worthy of your character , and honourable te your country . i
Above all things send delegates to the Convention about to meet in London , and lest there should be uny errorcommitted . demand an exchange of oommunicatiojai between England and S « oti « ii . , ; / v ^ / I 8 h » l , whatever may be the result , if elected forthe Coaveution , do my dnty to the wprkug chases aad I Bhall make a ^ oint of going down tit the House of Commons with a band of countrymen who will shew , at Ieast , that 'Vavkld Scotia" Bhall not be diagnuwdV ^^ in tta © precession . '' . "¦ -: ' , ¦ - >; ¦ ; " . ¦ . . ¦ . ;; . " ; : ; ¦ •; . ;¦ ,.. ¦ ¦ . ; . - /{ ...: ¦ - . ¦; . ; , ¦ ., ' . . ' Ireland will have her representatives , England her trades , Wales-will not ba behind ; . '¦ ¦ . and I shall strive to make our position not the last or least in aTnovement which will this time be the greatost and I believe the most memorable . ; Let us , then , act with unanimityi and forgetting partial differenceVBeek only the public good . : : ¦ ¦• I remain , ~ "'¦'¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' / '¦ - . /\ '/' . ^ -- ' ; ¦ : Ftllov ? Countrymen , Fa' ^ fully yours , in the cause , ¦ ' . ¦¦ ' * ¦ M'POCAUfe
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A Glotjcester Paper states that . " a conple from Ashleworth were united in wedlock on Wednesday last , in St . Mary ' s Church , Gloucester ; and immediately after the ceremony they got blind drank at a public house . " ^ V * e have often heard that love ^ r » s blind , but not till ndw that he was blind drunk ! - : . : ..: [ ' . ¦ . ; y . :: ''' ., ¦ ¦ ' . ¦ : , V- V . : \; ¦ ' . . ¦ .. . ¦' . ' puBiNO a dreadful storm OQ iha 26 i-h wit . at Clifdon , in Galway , no less than twenty-two fishermen were lest in ttwir boats , leaving their wives and children destitute ;
The Herring Fisheries . —We have ascounts from the M ' csteru coast to the 2 nd inst . It is not correct , as 6 tated in a Galway Contemporary , that 150 lives were lost in the disastrous storm of Wedneadiiy ae ' enight . Uuh appily eixteen persona per ished in that dreadful gale ; but the intrepidity oi the poor and industrious firshmeraen has not suffered thtreby . The number of peraons engaged in these fisheries is lU . OUO , and tha boats alone are 3 , 500 . — Limerick Reporter .
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THE N O R THE RK STAR . T
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct417/page/7/
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