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HOUSE Of COMMONS . —Pbidat , HvxzS . jSs . BSB 5 A 1 reported from the Nottingham Section ganinatee , " That-Ihomas < xisbarn . e , Juil , Esq ., was ^ njy electee" ~ 3 % b Mao . J&ember moved that the gYJdence should be printed . He said the ground of £ 3 s pjatioB was , that circumEtancss lad been disclosed ^ hich led the Committee to think thai a coarse had jeen pursued by Sae parties for the purpose of procorjag evidence which wm "very objectionable . 23 ib evidence was ordered to be printed . Apetifion was presented fcy Lord J . Busselx from portain electors of Durham , complaining of bribery -uj coirnption » t the late election .
jlx . BraiE gave notice that on Tneeday next , or on gje earliest possible day after , he jbonld prepose a jeadaaan toihe : effeci thsfc the payment of a pension josn independent foreign sovereign from the taxes of jje United Engdom-waa a "waste of pnblic money and , n injustice to the people of this conntry , jtnd that jkaetae the pension of ^ 21 , 000 a year granted to the Pnfce of -Cumberland onght to be discontinued "while he jemsined Sng of Hanover . ( Cheers . ) It having been ranonred that a message from the Crown tonchiPi the state of Ireland-was to be delivered , gjg utmost anxiety prevailed amongst the members and jjEBEgera present .
SrB . P . H 3 . appeared at the bar , and annonnced jfimself as the bearer of a message fromthe Queen . On ga » ibB acpectafion was intense , and each man held iBi irealhlor fear of losings -word . ! Tfcemessage was jespec&m 2 » e marriage of the Princess Angnsta , ^ he jdisappointment of those -who expected another , 03 a ciferent kind of message wasanffieienlly lndiptHB . Ba Majesty * * message , -which was received » 2 h < beers , -was ordered to he taken into consideration { oHosday . In reply to questions , iLord Eliot explained tie recent riots at Pnngannon , and aaid that a stipendiary magistrate had been sent down to investigate the
Icrd Jgcelxs asked if Government -were taking fSEpt to have parties arrested -who committed asggHii on persons assembled to petition Parliament jgainst the Bepeal of the Union—^ the case at Dan-• 2 BD 0 D ? Lord EUOT answered , that the Government womld , of course , bat they had no information at present on 'Which to do so . lord Eliot explained , that the movement of troops jajdy seat from DnSliii * to Waterfords , and immeaisteljafienraxds ordered back again to Dnblin , -was 5 n cousEquence of information received by the GemjnaBder-in-Ghifif , "which Lord Eliot declined to state .
3 he Honse went into committee on Ihe Canoda "Wheat ana Flcni BDl , after a protest from Mr . G-^ imFT against it , as a measure the most mischievous Jd British interests , and a notice from Colonel Sibihorp to divide the Honse on it npon the * third ja&mg . Several clanses "were agreed to , and progress reported . IThe Honse ¦ went into committee on the Poor law ji-mi = T »^ TT » RTit ( Ireland ) Bill 3 fo . Kedxsgtos moved S » t the bin be referred Jo a select committee , bat "withdrew % after a disppkjnpfl - Gausss one , two , and three , "were , after one division , agreed to , and progress reported . The Honse adjourned at a quarter past twelve .
MO 5 DA 7 , JtTSE 12 . Tnzsnant to an order of the Honse , a cop j of the evidence taken before the Nottingham Election ComjuitteB was presented at the bar and tf » d on the teble . ilr . Gisbokxx presented a petition from certain elactora of yotSngham , in -which they took notice of fl » proceedings of the late election for Nottingham Jhey stated , that after the election certain persons ¦ jrhayse named in the petition had sccupied themselves for a long period of time in sending round their Emissaries and distributing' money 'for the purpose of jetting up suborned evidence against the return : they stated that such corrupt practices -were calculated , miles exposed and punished * to bring the proceedings
Jefcre election committees into contempt , and in their opinion "were a gross breach of the privileges of this House . Tkej prayed ihe House to institute an earnest and strict inquiry into the allegations made by them , VoS . they stated that they -were in a situation to procure jrndesceto substantiate them in the fullest manner ; they prayed that a committee might be appointed to inauire into the facts alleged in ihe petition , before "Which they were -willing to give evidence on oath relative to all the proceedings in -which they -were engaged thmng the late election ; and further , they prayedior nthreKef , &c- Bemoved that the petition be printed ¦ with the votes , as it -was his intention to call the attention of the House to it on a future day . Ordered ,
The Hon . Member then moved that the proceed ings before the late Nottingham Election Committee ¦ Je printed . TheBarl of Iascois—May I ask the Hon . Member whether it is his jntentaon to bring the petition under file rjmtrflpmfinn of the HoUBe ? 3 Si-Gisbos 5 e—Undoubtedly , I have given a notice to thateSect Will the Noble Lord allow me to ask a question of him in reborn ? Had the Noble Lord any connexion -with the proceedings before the committee which lately inquired , into the allegations made jgsinR foft letnm for Nottingham on the late occa-&oa ?
TneEaxl of Lrs cols—Sir , I am aware that I should befnllj justified , and should , perhaps , better fulfil my duty as a Member of fhis House , if 2 declined to be ateehised by the Hon . Member —( cheers }—and declined toaMwer a question that must be considered extraerjfiBsry and unusual —( cheers ) . Sir , I am sot only not ashamed , but lam fully prepared to defend the part lineal have taken in any election , not only at Nottingham , but in any one imrhich Tbavebeen concerned . If the Hon . Gantiemanis inclined to go through a series of questions , and will concede to me the same privilege —{ hear , hear }—and mil promise me that he -will give lfair and impartial answer to every question I pro * fomd to him , as far as I am concerned , I am
perfectly prepared to go through the ordeal—( loud cheers ) . The Hon . Gentleman lias given notice of his mSEnfion to move lor a committee j if that is granted him , and if be thinks I . have taken any steps in any election -which -were incompatible -with my doty as a member of tMsHouBe , or the conduct of a gentleman , la "will have an opportunity of calling me , and I pro-Boss him that I Till give as full answers to _ every 3 ttsstMra put to me as I did before the committee Korea for by the Hon . Member for Bath { Mr . Roebuck ) —icheera . ) Sir , I am : fuHy aensible- . that my duty ihoold lead me to leave the question as it stands , bet as my refusal to answer the Hon . Gentle-EHn imtrh * leaye .-an erroneous impression on the Hands of Moo . Members , 2 trasi the Manse trill excuse
s « ior aieparfing from -what I feel is my duly , ana * 3 ow me to ans 7 £ r the question which has been put to m *—iHear , hear . ) Sir , 1 -will Btate at oih » that the Q&BervBtiva fflHff ""' of Nottingham din call upon me &or advice after the termination of the last election . 2 rer since I ^ entered -upon . public life , they have done Ee the honour to place great re . isnce upon my opinion , * £ have frequently been guided hj my advice . After Sielste election they solicited my advice , and having sspwented to me that the election had been obtained ^ unlawful means , I did adviBe them to present a leSiion against the Hon . Gentleman ^ return , and to J ^ aecnte it before the House—and tazQiet 3 it "was upon ^ y advice that the legal assistance "was retained . On the question being again put from the chair ,
-ai-SiSBoasjB-said , that the Uoble lord { the Earl * l Ijneoln ) had misunderstood the motive "with -which ie tad pnt the question to him . It -was generally fcSevedhy a large body of the electors of Nottingham fiat the Noble Lord -was cennected "with the party * pan& which corrupt practices had been charged ; but She { Mr- Gisbome ) hsa "beforeleceiTed such an answer ' that now given by the Noble Lord , he -would have *^ the * lectorsof 2 ? otfingham , wili irhomhewas - wnectecl , to Jiiwnia from tbtir minds any notion that 6 e Soble Lord'was in any -way a par ^ to ihe practices SttpTained of ; aj ^ jie loped the Noble Lord would ** Hunk iiat he had departed from Parliamentary * ? em having put the question . cois
^ ke ^ Esrlof L » repeated , that ha had advised SspsrSes -srbe had consulted him to petition against ** Bon . Member ' s return ; but -witii any corrupt prac-^ Mf any snch ever existed , he need hardly say he *|< 1 bo conntxion . Indeed , from all he learned , he ** H say the corrupt practices existed on the other **; and it -was in that conviction he had advised the J ^^ TrhD eonsulted him to petition against the late 33 Brn . 5 » miSon ^ waa then agreed to . Jtt & GfiA-WTOEB said , he had been intrusted -with * JfKfion . signed by 2 , 006 inhabitants of the borougn * XoSSngham . Thej complained of corrupt practices ;*« elatea * -well as at farmer Sections by Mr- Walter ]? ^ is , and others , and fte petitioners prayed the « T ** 5 b institute a strict inquiry into the -whole ol ^ eompt practices . -J ^? Petition ( as -we Bnderatood ) -was ordered to be iOfitel
- *^ 2 srl Lescou said , that he bad to present S ^* OBi 3 iesars . Clarke , Pyamore , and Eladgate , ^^» s , the agentBfor the petitioners against the late jj ^ te ^ fottingham . They complained of a eonipia 3 £ l ? Besn « of -which the ends of justice had been J **» a 5 irthe 3 ate proceedings before a committee of ~ rr * ° r ae , * na alw ^ be petition -wiHldrawn ; and they J ^ W . fw aniiquiry into the-whole of these proceed-, jg ^^ tha-new ofiavmgjnstice done to the parties
^ "tonsactions . 33 ie petitioners also complained , that jB ^^^ a prrnkgesorthatHDnsehad been violated by ^ H * 8 ning £ aBe evidence before one of it * committees , 2 ^^ taagjerlBg -with other witnesses in order to ^ "wttem to £ ve fake evidence . "Die petitioners * &hT SoKe io ^) made many ether allegations j ^^ y said they * rere ready to prove , and they eojjT ** - ? bysgain praying that the whole of the matter * Tg ^ j ^ Q m jfce peg&fn might be duly inquired into " ^ . petition " *» ordered to be printed . ^ rjj ^ - ^ " ! savenDfice , that on the next stagecf tiie i ^^^ Jdj Bfli , be -would move the appointmeEt of ^^ finSBe So Jiquite -whether tie long duration of
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^^>» a rights of British objects , namely , thatrf 2 Sgg 5 » *• tt ^ own defence , had not t enS to ^*™^ ^ r ^ oaofs ^ ^ ~ i 2 sssuar ^^ sa X ranto ^ pecuniary compensation to those -whose arms ahoum » branded for any loss theymight sustain by that
THB PBIKCESS A 56 CSTA OP CAMBB 1 DGE . Sir K . Pbel moved that the message from Her Majesty on Friday last beread . » . «! L Ma 5 e ^ messa « ^ B then rea d by thederk at the table , as follows : — " Tictokia Regdia— Her Majesty thinks it right to acquaint the House of Commons that she has given her consent toa marriage between h « Royal Highness the PnncesB Augusta Caroline , eldest daughter of his Boyal ¦ Highness the Duke of Cambridge , and his Boyal Bi « hness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh Strelitz . " The many proofs which the House or Commons has afforded or their affectionate attachment to Her Majesty - a perjon and famDy leavs her Majesty no doubt or tneir readiness to enable her Majesty to make a amiable provision for her Royal Highness on this occasion . ''
Sir R . Peel then rose and said—Before I move that the House resolve itself into » Committee of the whole House , to take into consideration her Majesty * most gracious message , U will be right to move a formal address , thanfring her Majesty for the communication -which ihe has been graciously pleased to make to the House . Of course to that fonaal reply to her Majesty's message I cannot anticipate the slightest objection . ¦ ¦ I am sure that the House feels obliged to her Majesty Tor ler gracious communication , and -will be glad to hear that a princess , of that flluBtrious honse of -which her Majesty is the head , is about to ally herself in marnage -with a prince -whose high character and amiable personal conduct have endeared him to every one who has had the honour of being acquainted with him . He is already connected by more than one tie with the
throne of this country , and , so far as circumBtsncea can form any guarantee for the happiness of an union of this nature , there is every guarantee for the happiness of this ; and 1 cannot forbear to express every wish that every happiness may attend thB illustrious princess and her consort in the union they are about to contract—jcheers ) . I move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty , offering the thanks of this House to her Majesty ' s most gracious information of the intended marriage between her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta Caroline and his Royal Highness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Dnte of Mecklenburgh Strelitz , and assuring her Majesty that this Home -will immediately take into consideration her Majesty ' s most gracious message . The question having been put ,
Mr . HfME said , that no one could wish happiness to the illustrious Princess more , than he did , bnt at the same time he must say that the Right Hon . Baronet seemed to have omitted what was very important . He did not object to one word that was in the proposed address , he only wished to add two or three lines with reference to what it was the duty of the House on some occasions to attend to . He thought the Right Hon . Baxenet ctuld not expect that the House should « o into Committee before he had given notice of his motion to that effect He presumed that the Right Hon . Baronet ought to state on tfti » occasion that on a future day he -would name the precise sum which he should ask the house to vote by way of income for the Princess . On the 3 d af May , 1797 , a message came
down from the Crown announcing the intended marriage of the Princess Royal , when the House only voted the Address , and did not go into committee . He believed there were other precedents to the same effect ; but , whether there were precedents or not , the House was in a condition to make precedents for themselves , i * n <) ihej ought not to go into Gommittee immediately . He objected to a part of what had been stated by her Majesty . ( A laugh . } He wished to add to the words of the address two Uses , which he thought it was the duty c-f the Bouse to insert , and t © which he presumed the Right Hon . Baronet could not have any objection . His amendment went to pledge the House to consider Her Majesty ' s message with reference to a due consideration of the condition of the finances and the diminished receipt from the ordinary
sources of revenue , and to the state of many of Her Majesty ' s snbjects , and the depression of trade , and especially to that suffering and destitution which had so long prevailed , which her Majesty ' s gracious speech from the throne delivered by the Commissioners on the 2 nd of February had so deeply deplored . He wished her Majaity to take these subjects into her consideration ; he wished it because he believed that her Majesty would not wish that any step should be taken in this matter without due consideration of the circumstances which had been stated from the throne in February last—( hear , hear ) . He wished , therefore , to propose these words in addition to the address , and he could sot conceive that the Right Hon . Baronet could have objection to them —( cries of hear , hear ) . He could sot conceive it He could not think that the
Sight Hon . Baxenet . would consider it proper to take any steps in the matter without ** tring into considera tion the state of the finances , which the Right Hon . Baronet himself had Btated were in a very unsatisfactory condition . All he wished was to add to die address that to which he could not conceive there could be any objection—( cries of hear , hear } . When that motion was disposed of , he should propose that the Right Ho - q . Baronet should state in the House , and before going into committee , what sum he meant to propose . Mz . CTilliaxs was not surprised at the manifestation of feeling on the other side of the House . He did not doubt the readiness of Hon . Gentlemen opposite to vote away the public money without , as he believed ,
any knowledge of the state of the country , or the ability of the peop' . e to pay the taxes . iHear , hear !) He rose , therefore , to second the motion of the Hon . Member for Montxose , and if Hon . Members would listen he would give them some information to which they ought to attend . Within nine yens they had added by their votes £ 42 , 900 , 000 sterling to the permanent debt of the country . Within three years they had added by their votes £ 8 . , 000 sterling to the taxation of the country . He would like to know whither they were going to drive the country ? If they fancied they would not have some day or other to answer for this they were mistaken . Upon the question and amendment ,
Sir R . Peel said , —I hope the two Hon . Gentlemen wOl allow the House to go into committee to enable me to state what is the proposal I have to make , I have acted . not only in conformity with strict precedent , but in correspondence with those rules which are dictated by common sense and reason , without inference to precedent . { Hear , hear . ) The proposal I have now to make commits no one to approve of what I may state in committee . ( Hear , hear . ) The proposal is only an assurance to her Majesty that we thank her for her most gracious communication , and consent to the
consideration of the message—nothing more—it is not the . adoption of the message . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , surely * in Committee of the whole House there will be a ouch better opportunity of my explaining to the house what ibthe nature of my proposal ; and though 1 cannot accede to the Hon . Gentleman ' s wish that I should state it now , yet I cannot help confidently hoping that the proposal I have to make will be one that will show that the Government have not disregarded the various considerations that , in the present state of the country , enght to be duly considered .
Mr . Aguokbi felt much in favour of the proposition of his Hon . Friend the Member for Montrose , and at a fitting period he should support it ; but he would suggest that that was not the proper time for it—( hear , hear > The best time would be in the next stage of the question . - Mx . HiaiE—3 cannot do thai . Mi . Acuosbt—If that were so , then he should Tote with his Hon . Friend , though he felt unwilling to do so now . Mr . T . DtrscoMBB asked whether the K gbt Hun . Baronet' intended to take the vete that evening ?
SirR . Pbbl—I hope the proposal I have to make will meet with general acquiescence , because , it most be remembered that there must be a bill to carry the vote into effect ; it is founded ou the assumption that there will be a marriage—( heir , hear . ) Lord Howt . ce . pressed on Sir Robert Peel the propriety of not asking the House to agree to a grant of money without giving time for consideration , thereby following the precedent adopted uuthe case of Prince Albert . Sir R . Peei was not disposed toresist postponement , if it were the general feeling of the House ; but still thought thstiis statement , if snffered to be made , would prove satisfactory . Lord J . Russeij . considered that it would be more respectful to the Crown to go into committee , in order to hear the proposal of the Government .
Mr . Hcme said he should not withdraw his amendment . He wished her Majesty to know the truth , as far , at any rate , as he _ was concerned . The House then
divided—F or the motion ... ... ... 276 For Mr . Hume ' s amendment ... 52 Majority 224 "Mr . Hckb called oa Sir Robert Peel to make his statement before going into committee ; but after a few words from Sir Robert Peel , he withdrew bis opposition , The House Ihen went into committee , and gj , R _ Pbei rose and said , he would now state to the committee the precise nature of the proposal he was authorised t » submit to them . In the first place , he
might state that he did not mean to call on the committee to affirm any proposition that would effect an immediate addition to the burdens of the people . In OToposHig a provision for her Royal fflghnessthe PraxxessAtuustalie did not intend to call for an immediate vote of money—Chear . ) The general rule with regard k > the provision for princesses , whether tbe daughters of fte reigning Sovereign or ef members of -the Royal house , he found to have been , that the parents of inch princesses had undertaken the provis 5 on for them during their lifetime , either out of the civfl list in the one case , or out of the provision voted from the consolidated fund by Parliament in the
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other . To that principle he proposed strictly to adhere on the present occasion , and he therefore did not mean to propose any absolute vote of annuity , but one contingent on the death of his Royal Highness the 2 > nke of Cambridge . In fact bis proposal amounted to the devoting of a portion ojf the annuity , now received by his Royal Highness to the tise of Oie princess In the event of his Royal Higness * death— ( cheers ) . He was not going to enter into all the cases in which provisions of this kind had been voted for princesses of the blood Royal —it would be sufficient for him to refer to one or two instances , in order to guide the Houss in coining to a decision in the present case . The principle to which he had referred was adopted in the year 1778 . when his Majesty George III . was enabled to allot £ 30 , 000 a-year , as provision for { five princesses ; and it was again recognised in the case of her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia of Glecester , on whose behalf a pro > vision was made , which was to take effect on the death of her father . It was in strict accordance with the
practice adopted on the latter occasion , and with the principle that regulated theother case he had referred to , that he sbonld now propose the vote for her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta ; and , notwithstanding the course which the Hon ; Member for Montrose and those who acted with him had , from a sense of their publio duty , taken , he ( S& R Peel ) confidently felt that they did cordially participate with him in wishing every possible happinesB to her Royal Highness and the Duke of MecklenburRh Strelitz . The amount he proposed for her Royal Highness was one which he hoped would satisfy the House that every consideration that ought to be borne in mind in Waking arrangements of this kind h&d been attended to . He proposed that , in the event of the proposed marriage taking place ( a
clause necessary as a matter of form ) , the sum of £ 3 , 000 per annum should be settled on her Royal Highness , to be paid in the event of the death of his Royal Highness the Dak ? of Cambridge—( hear , near ) He did not desire to draw any contrast between thU proposal and that which had been made on a former occasion ; bnt at the same time he might observe that it would be found to be ^ less . He hoped the House would bear in mind that ; no money was immediately to be voted , that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge would still provide for the princess during his life , and that it was only in the event of bis death that the public would become chargeable with the proposed annuity of £ 3 , 000 —( hear ) . The motion having been pat ,
Mr . Mackiksok proposed an amendment , that the annuity should beiertucedtOigS . . to be granted from the day of the marriage . He entered into some calculations to prove the superiority of his proposition to that of the Government , but he was greatly interrupted by the impatience of the House . Sir Robert Peel said that the amendment , though ostensibly a reduction , was really a proposition for an increased grant , inasmuch as it was to take envct from the day of ihe marriasre . He , therefore , snbmitted that the Committee could not entertain the proposition . After some discussion ; on the point ol form , Mr . Mackinnou withdrew his amendment .
Mr . Williams wished that the Right Hon . Baronet , instead of referring to precedents established in this country , had followed the practice adopted in the case of those numerous German princes and princesses who had from time to time formed alliances with the Royal Family . He would have found very little difficulty in discovering that no member of the Royal Family in this country had ever , in forming alliances with those German princes or princesses , received ene farthing of fortune . He should like to know what pretence there
was in the present state : of the country for adopting a different rule in favour of German princes or princesses seeking alliances with the Royal Family from that which was pursued towards the Reyal Family itself ? The Duke of Cambridge had ample allowances of the public money to enable him to provide for his own children . His Royal Highness was now in the receipt of £ 27 , 000 of the publio money per annum . He was colonel of two regiments , each having two battalions , and he had recently been created head ranger of two of the parks .
Sir R . Peel—His Royal Highness derives no emolument from that situation —( hear , hear ) . Mr . Williams—That was perfectly marvellous —( a laugh ) . He was uncommonly delighted to hear tbat his Royal Highness had undertaken & duty without emolument In tbat respect he bBd shown & noble example , worthy of being followed ; but he was afraid his followers would be " few ani far between * ' —( a langb , and a cry of " The Doke of Sussex held the same office ") . He thought it must be admitted , looking to the immense amount of public money which his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge had received ! tbat the exercise of proper prudence and care ; would have enabled him to make ample provision for his children . His Royal Highness had peculiar opportunities of doing so , having
for a considerable number of years been YiceToj of Hanover , when the emoluments of the oi&ce mnst have been sufficient to meet bis expenditure ; and , if common report spoke truly , his Royal Highness bad , inconsequence of the numerous appointments and emoluments be held , been enabled to amass a very large fortune . Ou what ground then could they justify any allowance out of the public money to the children of persona in hiB axajted station , who bad ample means of providing for them j when in the New Poor Law , they had laid down the principle that these poor wretched beings who received- 7 s . 8 a . or 10 s . a week , were in duty bound , nay , were forced , to provide for ; their families , however namerous they might be ? That law made the property of a father , nay , of a grandfather , liable to provide for
children and grandchildren unable to provide for themselves , if they became chargeable on the public . Why not apply ihe same same just rule in cases like that now before the House ? There was one very remarkable circumstance connected with the present case , —a Duke er Prince of Mecklenbnrgh , as he was called , tome relation of the Prince who was about to marry Princess Augusta of Cambridge —he presumed either his'father or grandfather , had been in the receipt of £ 2 , 000 a yearontof the public money of this country ever since 17 S 8 . That family , therefore , had already received sums which , with interest , amounted to £ 300 . 000 out of the hard-earned monies of this country . Was it not enough , then , that the father ebonld be a pensioner , without placing the
son on the pension list too ? The amount et public money now allowed to German princes and princesses , who bad formed alliances with the royal family , was £ 200 , 010 a year . Surely , in all consci' nee , that was enough , without the addition new called for . On what pretence was this new demand made ? The Right Hon . Baronet had offered no explanation , and he could only conjecture the reason to be the relationship subsisting between Princess Augusta of Cambridge and her Majesty . If that were the ground , and he could imagine no other , they must , in consistency , provide for all relations of equal nearness to her Majesty . They
would then have a long list of them . There were some even nearer in blood to her Majesty , and was the principle to be laid down that all these should be provided for ? There would then be no end to the taxation of the country for- the maintenance of those German princes and princesses who found it bo very profitable a tiling to form alliances with the royal family . Looking to the state of the country , the suffering and distress which so extensively prevailed , the grievous complaints tbey had heard of oppressive taxation , and looking especially to the state of the revenue , he must on public grounds—on principle , and without any disrespect to the Dake of Cambridge , oppose the motion .
Sir H . DotjGLas contended that after the grandfather of her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta had surrendered the hereditary revenues of the Crown , the immense patrimony which the Kings of England formerly held , a great moral and political obligation Tested upon the House to make the provision now required . The Hon . Member for Coventry waB mistaken in supposing that his . Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge derived emoluments from two regiments ; his Royal Highness derived none whatever from the 60 th . Mr . Htiue pressed on Sir R . Peel the propriety of postponing the consideration of the snbject . Sir R . Peel could not now think of doing bo , seeing that discussion had been raised . Lord Howick thought he ought to do so , in conformity with former precedent
lord John Rcssell , oh xhe contrary , was of opinion that as discussion had begun , it ought to go on . Sir R . Peel , however , yielded , on condition of the committee being resumed the next day , provided Lord John Russell would give way with his motion on the Corn Laws , which stands for Tuesday . Lord Johu Russell was reluctant to lose his only opportunity of discussing so important a subject After some further conversation it was settled that the discussion should be adjourned until Wednesday . CoL Bushbbooke then moved the issue of a new writ for the borough of Sadbury .
Mr . Tdfsell moved as an amendment , that leave be given to bring in a bill lot an effectual inquiry into bribery and corrupt practices alleged to exist , hi the borough of Sudbury . He contended that the inquiry before the House of Lords , on the bill which had been rejected , was totally inadequate , and argued that the House of Commons could not now agree to the issue ; of the writ , after having nnanimously agreed to the disfranchlsement of the borough . He proposed , by ; tbis bill , to empower two commissioners of inquiry to go down to Sudbury , in order thoroughly to investigate into the nature of the inveterate corruption of the borough ; and affirmed that the motive which actuated him was solely a desire to uphold the character and dignity of the House , affected as it was by such practices aa had been bo amply proved to exist in Sudbury .
i Mr . Wtkh commented on the failure of the case before the House of Lords , which would seem to justify a suspicion of collusion on the part of those who had its management . The House would scarcely do its duty , withont appointing a committee , in order to inquire into the causes of that failure , which led to the rejection of the Sudbury Disfranchisement BilL Mr . TOTFNEU . withdrew his amendment in order to enable Mr . Wynn to propose an amendment for a committee * f inquiry . - i Golonel Rbshbbooke , not considering that the evidence affected the entire constituency of Sudbury , declared his intention of dividing on bis motion .
Sir R . Peel felt , that af Ur the all but unanimous agreement of the House of Commons ou the Sudbury Disfrancbis&Bieat Bill , some information w&s netted as
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to the cause why Isuch imperfect evidence had been adancea to the House of Lords . This information might justify the necessity of the Bill proposed by Mr . Tuffneil , and the Inquiry might , therefore * suitably precede Its introduction . ! : Lord Johs Russell concurred , but was sure that in Sealing with corrupt boroughs they could not go on in * m- ol Vy stem of sending up Bills to the lords , and failing there through some cause or other . A more satisfactory system Bhould be adopted . Mr . Thesxgbr advised Colonel Rosbbrooke to withdraw hiB motion , which was done , and Mr . Wynns motion for a committee was agreed to . Mr , J TtJFNELL then moved that the issue of the writ for Sudbury be suspended for a menth , which was also agreed to . ' - ;
? 1 r motion fo * g ° fag into a committee of Ways and Means , in order to grant the annual sugar dnties , Lord Howick |( after the presentation of some peti * tions on the subject ) moved , as an amendment , for a committee ef tha jwhole House , on so much of the act 5 and 6 Vic . c . 47 , as relates to the imposition of a duty on the exportation of coals , B > avowed that his object was to : obtain the repeal of the duty imposed last year as a portion of the financial measures of the Government . Passing over the arguments as to the necessity for husbanding our stores of coal , seeing that competent authority had estimated that the Northumberland coal field would last for seventeen hnndied years , and that of jWoles for two thousand , he addressed himself to the considerations which had been adduced
by Sir Robert Peel aa vindicating the imposition of the duty . The anticipations of the Prime Minister had not been realised I ; the tax had already operated disastrously on the trade , In proof of which be adduced documentary evidence , showing that our exports had fallen off one-half with ' France , while the Dutch trade Was nearly lost altogether , and that in the short space qf nine or ten months . We were only beginning to feel ihe results of jthis pernicious duty . In Sjiain , Germany , France . Belgium , and other continental countries , capital was how investing in the expensive operations necessary for the : production of coal , and when once fairly invested it could not and would not be withdrawn , and thus a class of competitors was raising up against us , depriving us of a
trade which it was vain to expect that we could regain by retracing oar steps . The example of tbe sulphur trade was a signal warning . The Neapolitan Government fancied—as did all the world—that it had a complete monopoly of ; the sulphur trade , and it imposed a heavy duty on the exportation of sulphur to this country . But the ingenuity of our chemists bad discovered tbe means of manufacturing sulphur in this country , which maintained its ground against the Sicilian sulphur , though the Neapolitan Government had retraced its steps . Tbe efi ' oct of the coal duty was apparent , not only in tbe stagnation of the trade , but in tbe condition of the working population , deprived as they ¦ 'were of employment ; the shipping interest was also suffering , for freights were now lower than they had ever bean ; wherever the trade was retained , the tax was paid , not by the foreigner , but by the British shipowner . It operated disastrously on
British industry in other ways ; the ! Transatlantic Steam Company , which used to have a depot of British coal at New York , was compelled , since { the imposition of the duty , to let the Great Western steam-ship perform out with American coal . Sir R . Peel defended the tax ob revenue grounds alone , and he had calculated on receiving from it £ 140 , 000 annually . Rut the actual produce had been only £ 100 , 000 , and aa the old duties had produced £ 12 , 000 , the amount received was only £ 88 , 000 , which had still further to be diminished by the expense of collection , as well aa the indirect diminution of revenue , caused by the tax itself . In fact , were a balance struck , it would be found that the Treasury was rather a loser than a gainer by the tax . The budget of Sir Robert Peel had proved a more signal failure than any ; the least ef its evil retults had been its disastrous operation on various departments of British industry .
Mr . Gladstone did not see the necessity for an elaborate working out of such dicta , as that it was much more difficult to regain a lost trade than to create it The tax had unquestionably not been proposed with the assent of the coal trade ; its repeal ought not to depend omits dissent The state of the revenue was an all-important consideration ; he did not defend the tax as abstractly good ; but be was sure that if tbey listened to the claims of tbe coal trade for the repeal of the duty , thby would be . bound , in reason and equity , to entertain the claims of other interests for smilar concessions . Nine months was not sufficient to enable them to judge of the effects of the imposition of the tax . He did not deny that it was an impost on the trade , but he denied that the
depression of tbe trade was to be attributed to it . Lord Howick ' s estimate of the produce of the tax waa drawn from , imperfect data ; the actual annual amount would be about £ 112 , 000 or £ 114 000 . This was not a large sum , ' when considered with reference to the fact , that in this country we have to raise from forty-eight to fifty millions of revenue . But there were certain states of the public Treasury , when such an apparently email sum could not be conveniently parted with . Returns showed that there was an actual small increase in tbe amount of exportation—an increase which would have been larger , but for the unnatural stimulus of two years ago , which was followed by a corresponding langour during last year . The testimony of the English Consul at BreBt was against tbe allegation of the diminution of our ( . sports into France in consequence of the duty ; and , though there might
possibly be a dimunition of the exports to Holland—a fact still in uncertainty—even that dimunition , if it did exist , could be ; traced , to other causes , such as the general depression of trade . The picture drawn by Lord Howick of the effects of the duty on our home trade was much exaggerated ; the duty had fallen m » inly on a class of middle-men , intermediate between the coal-owner and the foreigner ; and though he was far from wishing that the profits of these middle-men should he diminished , still their case was very different from that of a general state of distress in the coal trade . Nor was the pressure on the shipping interest to be attributed to this lax , inasmuch as the general depression of trade was a main cause of it On the whole he did not think that a case had been made out for the interposition of the'House , or that a sufficient time bad elapsed for the purpose of enabling them to judge of the effects of the tax . '
Mr . Hodgson Hinde was glad that Mr . Gladstone had abandoned the high ground on which the tax had been originally defended . The depression in the coal trade was unquestionably not to be traced to the duty ; but it could not be denied that it had produced much mischief . In fact , no answer had been given to the case made but by Lord Howick against the tax . Lord H . Vane said that in France there were no less than sixty-one coal mines open , though not worked . The effect of tbe tax would be , that English capitalists would go over to work them . It was not wise policy in this country to maintain anything Whose tendency was to check native industry , and atimulate foreign rivalry . Sir . Bell did not consider the motion of Lord Howick to be well timed , but as it has been brought forward he would support it
Sir George Cleek pointed out , that in the four months which elapsed between the time when Sir Robeit Peel made his financial statement , on the 11 to of March , of last year , and the final passing of the Custom Acts , there had been an extraordinary activity in tbe coal trade , which accounted for the depression which followed . But the trade was reviving , as was shown by returns , though the trade of Sunderlaud was affected by local causes , not connected with ( be imposition of the duty , i ' . Mr . Labouchere felt himself perfectly justified in supporting Lord Howick's motion , after the evidence they bad of the utter failure of Sir Robert Peers anticipations , whether it were the distress caused by the coal duty , or the moral mischief produced by the spirit duty in Ireland . He recapitulated some ef the facts adduced against the coal duty , the operation of which he contended was pernicious , and not worth maintaining for the sake of the small revenue which it produced .
Sir Robert Peel reminded tbe House of the flnaneial condition of the country , which was still in a state of deficiency , in spite of the Income Tax . Our diminished exports to the United States were adduced as an evidence of the effect of the duty . But the United States imposed a duty of 8 s . on the importation of British coal , which muet be taken into account . Looking to financial considerations , he hoped the House would support the Government in resisting the powerful combination which sought to repeal the ? duty , and thereby to inflict a blow on public credit Every other interest , as the advocates of tbe repeal of the duty ou wool , would be ready to urge arguments similar to those by which tbe repeal of the coal duty was solicited . Mr . Liddell , though feeling that Lord Howick's motion was ill-timed , would nevertheless give it bis support . ! On a division there
appeared—For Lord Howick ' s motion ... 124 Against it ., ... 187 Majority , . JP 63
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! HARMONY HALL LETTER XIV . TO THB EDITO& OF THB NORTHERN STAR . Sis , —Before proceeding to the subject of my letter for this week , I must make one ) or two cowments on tbat of Gracchus , which appears in this day ' s Star . Foot correspondent appears to attach more importance than I do to who may be the persons to first lead such a movement as I desire to see in action . I rely on the principles I have laid down ; on tha ease with which their practicability may l > e demonstrated whenever unity is obtained ; and on the universal happiness to be gained by their adoption ; fas the weapons that shall overpower all opposition ana lead men forward to undertake and accomplish the task that I propose .
With regard to Mr . O'Connell or any other leader giving an explanation of his conduct , I believe that whenever or wherever this can be done , it is highly serviceable ; but my remark only went to shew the objection to compelling a leader tlo debate , discuss , and explain at a period when prompt ! action may be absolutely necessary . | Respecting the exsitement produced by the Chartist agitation in 1839 , I am well aware of the fact , but I hope a similar excitement will never again be required to be produced . If the objects to be gained had been shewn to be beneficial to all ; tha means of obtaining them made clear and distinct ; and the movement
carried forward in entire unity , under sound practical leaden , these objects could have been readily obtained , and a much higher position might ere this have been gained for the general bodyjof the pesple . To stick a thorn in the side of ( any Government or of any individual of my fellowmen is no wish or purpose of mine . It is true , that whilst ; we are so irrational and so ignorant of what contributes to our own happiness ; whilst we are Burrouoded by circumstances which compel us to seek our own individual interests at the expence of others ; or are obliged to associate with those whose minds cannot be expanded to anything resembling universal principles ; ' we must both give pain to others , and be ourselves pained by their conduct towards us . But I seek another and a far different
destiny for every child of man ; my purpose is to show that the means for human happiness abundantly exist axound us , and tbat all may be provided for as readily as true desires can be created without an injury being committed to any . \ Gracchus saya that numbers hazirded their liberties and may-be their lives in the struggle , and have been sacrificed as scapegoats ; and he claims this as an evideuce of a proud position in the jpoliticaJ world . It is from such a , position that I desire to remove every human being , to whatever class , sect , sex , party , or country he may belong . I hope we shall never be afraid of the loss Of liberty , life , or anything else , however dearly prized , except truth aad justice ; but I do also hope that the minds of all | rill become so far enlightened , that they will see an easier and a better moda of accomplishing what all wustj of necessity desire , than by making sacrifices of any kind longer necessary . |
With regard to the theory laid down by Robespiere as being in accordance with the j democratic principle , namely , that the rights of every man are beund by the rights of others , and if we passjour own boundary we invade the rights of others ; it j Is quite inapplicable to the universal and eternal truths on which alone I propose that we should form this association . The rights , the interests , the duties of man , are all universal , and it is only in proportion as we can embrace this idea that we shall be enabled to progress to that higher and better destiny , which I believe is now ready for us , as soon as we can be sufficiently united to receive it )
I have , in uiy former letters , given an outline of a new society which I propose should be formed for removing the present distress , which every where exists , and introducing such changes as shall secure to all ranks and classes a higher and better state of existence than they have hitherto obtained . I have stated the principles on which such a society should be based , and some of the chief objects to which it should devote its attention . I have spoken of the election of the Central President and bis Council , and of jtbe kind of manifesto or Charter they should pnt forth . I have , at some
length , explained my reasons for desiring a unity of proceeding , and the views I entertaiu of the most practical mode by which this unity can be secured , and I huve also at Borne length given tbe details of an organization simple of construction , and eosyjto be worked , which if it be established by men of com prebensive minds , will , I think , be sufficiently powerful for the great object required , namely to procure an enlightened public opinion that shall combine and direct all the energies we possess to promote the universal happiness of man . 1
I stated , at the conclusion of my last letter , that I should in this , point out further [ practical steps that will require to be takes , which after this lengthy digression I will now proceed to do . J In my letter No . 8 , I stated that the Central President and his Council should , if possible , be immediately located ob the land , and call to ] their assistance the best minds that they can procure ito carry ou the agricultural and gardening operations ( in the most superior manner that the present knowledge acquired in these sciences will admit , and that they should employ on the land the greatest quantity of manual labour that the means afforded them would allow . These remarks form part of a subject which now very much engages the public mind , namely , tbat of the occupation of the land ; and , as Jit is one on which I have had some practical experience , and one to which the Society I have been speaking ] of will have to pay great attention , I shall place it as the next practical step on which I am to speak .
In the occupation of land , as in every other proceeding , entered into by a society based on the three great truths which I have placed before your readers in former letters , entire unity of purpose and aotion should be observed . However large or ] small the business m&y be which the society undertakes , it mast be one and entire , and under the chief superintendauce of one directing mind . This principle does not prevent , or interfere with , a variety of modes "; of occupation ; but . on the contrary , -wiU allow of these being suited ot adapted to all existing circumstances .
My opinion , as before stated , [ is , that in the first place every effort should be made to locate on the land the Central President and his Council , assisted by the beat minds with which he can be associated ; and that all the parties so placed should ' every day do something towards the procuring of their own food . After these are provided for in such a ] manner as to give them ease and calmness of mind , and a due appreciation of the great business they will have to perform , and the necessary expencea attendant on tbe missionary and other exertions connected with the diffusion of the
principles and objects of the society are liquidated , I should propose that all tbe money raised by the contributions of the members , both centrally and throughout the branches and classes , should be appropriated in the next place to the purchase of freehold lauds , in the names of the trustees of the society . These lands should be selected in the best localities , and with tbe greatest natural advantages that can be secured . Tbey should , as far as possible , be contiguous to each other , and the better the soil is at present , the more advantageously may they be brought into immediate high cultivation and profit . Much has been said about waste and inferior lands , but it [ will be found that under sound arrangements and wise direction , it will be most economical in the first instance to select the best landB that can be obtained , } and t » cultivate , however small the quantity , to the highest point of perfection . j
With regard to the mode of occupation—I would always distinctly keep in view Mr . Owen ' s largest cembined arrangements , as laid down la a work published by the Home Colonization Society ; entitled " A D . velopement of the Principles and Plans on which to form self-supporting Home Colonies , " anjd aa rapidly as the minds of those who associate could be brought to see or comprehend the advantages of such a combination , I would endeavour to cairy them out to their fullest extent . But in the meantime I shall not neglect the simplest form of occupation , namely | tbe Allotment System . I would proceed from this to ] other and higher orders of occupation and association , in
proportion as the members of tbe j society , or other fitting persons , offered themselves on terms advantageous to the society , bat 1 would not ! force prematurely together minds not trained to afford pleasurable company to each other . I know it may jbe nrged tbat the superior minds will naturally attract and draw up tbe inferior , and to some extent this is comet ; but I have seen and known by the strongest personal experience that the warmest and most devoted feelings and actions for the benefit of others , are often , and even generally , misconstrued in such conduct ; andxendereddangeroua to tbe individuals who passess them , j and such persons suffer to an extent not to be calculated on by those who are differently organised .
I shall have again more than once to revert to the subject of the Land , and to speak more in detail , but I would here again urge more especially , as it involves the whole of existence to all who associate ; whatever may be tbe extent of the combtnationUet no parties ever think of commencing except on a basis of unity , with the strongest power placed in the bands of the governor , and that governor in some manner selected by themselves . All external interference with the internal regulations , whether by an individual , » society , a monied proprietory , or any other body of persona , who are not equally advanced in associated arrangements , is false in principle , and cannot fail to lead to disastrous results in practice . Tbe highest combination , or association , nnder tbe nameof united interests ever yet formed , is that of the establishment from which this letter is written , and
nothing could more powerfully demonstrate the . txutb of the principles of the formation of character , than the practical experience daily gained here . In proportion as these have been understood and acted upon , the most satisfactory and harmonious results have been obtained , arid those who have been J enabled truly to comprehend them , have had a foretaste of an order of existence , higher and more noble than men can generally anticipate . There have , however , been errors made here as in all other new undertakings , and in some of my future letters I may have to allude to some [ of these ; but iu the meantime I niuat revert at length to eome points
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of the Preliminary Charter , and shew their relative importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the public mind . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpim . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 10 , 1843 . . ' i ^ to-
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THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS PRACTICABILITY , ITS FOUNDATION , ITS PRINCIPLE , " THE RIGHTS OF MAN . " TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brothe-rs in Hope , —Again , tbe political horison sheweth signs of approaching dyy ,- tbe bright rays of the sun of liberty illuminating the borders of our dormant scene , proclaims " the night is far spent , tbe day is at hand . ' * The new crisis is gradually though certainly approaching ; tbe delegates of North and South Lancashire have issued their manifestoes ; Wales is answering the call . Those signs , like the tints of early dawn , note surely that the bright ) refulgence of noon will come ., We shall awake with renewed vigour to the labour of love and hope , with the increased strength that a day of rest is wont to give to the mind and body , with the increased confidence in each other that years of companionship in toils and troubles Is wont to bring , with the undying energy that years of active zeal in a righteous cause is wont to < ffcCt ; and ' neath the influence of these holy feelings , by our united moral strength , who can say but we shall be invincible ?
The Congress of the Rational Society have addressed us , through last week ' s Star ; allow me to draw your attention to that address . Let me induce you to read it again and again ; it is full of good truth respecting the present state of things , and contains good advice upon the remedy of the evils under which we labour , and however so much some of you may differ with the doctrines of Socialism , I trust we shall none of us be so foolishly stubborn aa to reject good advice , and truths , come from -whatever quarter they may , though it were from an " infernal den , " as some ^ f their halls have been named by tbe professedly pious . I particularly
wish to draw the attention of the South and North Lancashire delegates , at their next meeting , to that adeires ? , especially tbe two last paragraphs , with a view to their devising some plan whereby we could start a society , in connection with our Charter association , for the purpose of relieving , to some degree , the poverty of our fellows , and drawing from the labour-market some of the surplus hands , giving beneficial employment to that surplus ; in a word , seizing the wealth tbat is within our united exertions , by bringing together the idle labour and stagnant materials for the benefit of all .
The practibility of such a society is the first purpose of my present letter . An outline of a plan Buitable to such a society hath already been drawn up by delegates of the people , that is , the plan of the National Charter Association , That plan only requires a few alterations to render it perfect . It was not to be expected tbat any plan could be seat forth from any feudy of men perfect . It may be based upon a true principle ; but it would require to be tried in order to prove whether it had faults or not . Ou the discovery of those faults , they should immediately be remedied . One fault in oar present plan appears to be , tbat the people have net sufficient knowledge of the candidates for tbe executive offices . To obviate this , I propose that every candidate shall have testimonials fiom the locality in
which be resides or has been a member , stating bow long be has been a member , what offices he has filled , and his general qualifications for office , published in tha Star , with his nomination . Another fault in tbe localities' is , that the munbers do not pay sufficient attention to the manner in which their officers perform the duties assigned them , nor to their general behaviour te the members , and consequently are ill served ; this the members may immediately remedy , as it is in themselves . Again , they are often very backward in using their common discernment in electing their local officers . These things they must remedy before all will go on well ; in this they do not do their duty . The members are the best judges of
the fitness of any of their brother members for office , and muat use that judgment in common justice to the association . The plan of conducting a national association by a general council and executive committee with its numerous secretaries , treasurers , < tc is a good conceptioni It forms a cord to bind sil the members and officers together ; and has an influence on every member , ( more or less ) whereby be feels himself part of a great whole , and as the plan continues it mil beget a stronger influence , whereby the individual will feel he has thousands of brother members who have a claim upon hia actions : that these expect he will do bis duty . That the plan requires many additions and alterations I feel confident , but the groundwork of the plan I would not have altered .
In commencing our new campaign , I would recommend that a delegate meeting be convened from all the localities that can make it convenient to Bend , whose business it shall be to revise and amend the present plans of organisation , consider the plan or plans for a national benefit society , and adopt or draw up one suitable to the present depressed and varied circumstances of the people , having for its objects tbe relieving of their present wants , either by giving them employment for tbe society , or a weekly stipend in accordance with their subscriptions ; the ultimata locating them on the land , or in the societies , workshops , and warehouses ; the defence of all members who shall be arrested for performing any services that the society exacts , or has deputed them to , and to engraft the same into the National Charter organisation as part and' parcel thereof .
Lat me induce you , by the poverty that surrounds us , in which we shall surely be all overwhelmed , unless by such a society we provide against Its future rapid fearful strides , the present and future prospects of desolation . Let me beg of you to tnrn your attention to this subject . I am assured that Mr . Hill is prepared in a short time to submit a plan to you or your delegates tbat will embrace all the desired objects . In the mean time , brothers , btstir yourselves , consider and discuss this &t all your meetings , until you have decided upon giving your delegates instructions td act thereon , and to the best of their abilities frame such a plan that will meet our numerous wants . We possess in our body all the requisites to such a society . We have plenty of tried , honest , energetic , talented , businesslike men in our localities ; we have , as the Socialist ' s address sets forth , that power which calls wealth into existence in abundance , viz ., labour and knowledge . There
is an abundance of raw material waiting for the labourers magic arm to coin it into wealth . Let us unite our peace to pui chase it—let us no longer stay like gaping idiots or paraliz % d mortals , gazing on this unholy , unjust , unnatural divorce of labour and land , or its springing , ripening , and ripe comforts . If we possess already associated such abundant means to acquire a sufficiency of food and raiment , wherefore should we longer remain in this slough of poverty ; if we possess in our association , the requisites for such a benefit society that I havenamed , wherefore should we suffer it any longer to lay dormant ; and if such a society is so much needed in , our present distressed condition , what will the world think of us if we do not attempt to establish it ? Other countries will say of us , aye , even tbe upper classes of our own will excuse their want of feeling witb the stinging accusation of " tbey might have bettered their condition , but would not "
Come , brothers , let us prevent their having even the shadow nf a pretext for each a taunt ; let us by forming such a happy combination of all our powers , avoil ourselves of all the advantages within the reach of such a union , and thereby maintain our character for intelligence , industry , and ingenuity . In conclusion , brothers , let me ask of you to read my letters on the subject of this National Benefit Society through once more , and calmly consider whether I have not established the necessity for such , a society , and its practicability : and if you think I have done this , the r ~ e 8 t is for you to do , by instructing your delegates to tbe next National Delegate Meeting to frame the plan , and then work like men to carry it out I have herein shown how it should be carried forward on the democratic principle .
I should have proceeded further with that argument in continuation of my last two letters ; but thought , — seeing you are so wedded to the abov 8 principle , —that that snbject may stand over awhile , and that the question of practicability was to you of more immediate consequence : seei g , too , that it is more than probable that a National Delegate Meeting will shortly be convened by common consent , when I hope this subject will occupy their attention , and that they will produce an efficient plan embracing ail our wants . I remain , Yours in Truth , Gracchus .
3siig*Rrfal ^Parliament.
3 Siig * rrfal ^ parliament .
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At a Match which took place on the Thames on Thursday , between five yachts , three of which were iron , waa shewn tbe saperiority of iron vessels over wooden ones for speed . The three iron boata made the distance id shorter time than ever was known before , and beat all their wooden competitors . No Accounting for Taste . —A morning paper assures us that everybody , high and low , at Kew , loves and admires the King of Hanover . The Berwyn range of hills , in Montgomeryshire , were on Wednesday morning last , th . d 7 &h of Jane , enveloped in snow . Last week , two vessels sailed from Greenock to Quebec and Montreal , taking with them uo less man 590 passengers , principally agriculturiats , and very respectable in their appearance .
The Act for the abolition of slavery in India passed the Supreme Council on the 7 th of April , and became law . . Henceforth , there is no slavery in India , savo that whioh is perfeotly voluntary . St . Petbrsburgh , May 16 . —Yesterday was oar Lon « ehamp 3 t but all ice and snow . All vegetation is dead , and the thermometer on the freezing point even at noon . The oldest inhabitants do not remember a similar season ; and more astonishing still , similar accounts arrive from Tiflis , the Naples of our empire . '
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From thirty to fiW » nd thirty thousand workmen are now employed iriHhe re-building of the oitj of Hamburgh . A Fugitive slave undergoing an examination at Northampton , Connecticut , when asked if his master was a Christian , replied , " No , Sar , he's a member of Congress . " ? ' :
Prevention better than Core .- ^ It . is a fact beyond dispute that most of the diseases with which the human race are a'fflioted are the result of a disordered state of the | blood . To remedy this , the occasional U 3 e of Parr ' s Life Pills should be had recourse to , and sickness prevented as well as cured . A Fool . —A drunken shoemaker at Skerton made a firm resolution on Monday night last to drown himself ; and in the presence of a number of spectators plunged into the river Lune , but , not ¦ being out of his depth , he suddenly bethought himself that his temporal afiairs were ! not properly arranged , and deliberately walked ^ out of ihe watery grave to bequeath his old coat to a brother cobbler , when his friends dragged him home , to the no small amusement of the spectators . —Lancaster Gazette .
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THE NORTHERNS TAR . j J
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct486/page/7/
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