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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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n-C 0 y >* OB 02 f CHURCH CHABTISM , TEETOi ± L CHARTISM , KNOWLEDGE CHABTISM , ofD HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE CHARTISM . « t FcsiiiXSD , Blistered , Ukshoes Fbie . tds , ^^ j ^ » principle is once agreed upon , the safe , the and the speedy mesna for it » accomplishment Amia be ibe one great and never abandoned Object of « U idvoca la ; and , therefore , the labour -which I hrre Tmaarftft ' becomes narrowed to the simple eonaiuera of the fact , whether Church Chartism , Teetotal Ojjj ^ j ^ Ejioirledge Chartism , or HonseioW Suffrage Qarfinn , we , tub . or all , or any of them , likely to be B& , »*« , •** * speedy mean * towards the senierejnest of tte
Charter-I e oBfcffld to it , that unless the fonr sections form of Qgnjetot , in the first instance , a quadruple allianoe , jj ^ their fonr distinct md different means to an end , jvpjgt ihsi ead be identical and the same , constitute ft -rtao fide cue against them , and is calculated to ujd to se ctional and party dispute , and , ultimately , to jus distinction . I contend further , that eTen if consolidated into one jjjjuioe , hiring but one object in view , th > t in th « wrorietv ef that alliance a large majority of the wople must join , othtrwiEe it also become * but & jejfioiul affiance , with a four-fold strength , and ten-fold pent of doing mischief . But -when I find that the { air parties recommend distinct and separate means for { be lecomplisbmenl of the same end , then the case ipjust each becomes stronger and stronger .
I ghiH first consider the Church party , under the ^ raifieaot denomination which it has assumed , the ¦• Qsristian Chartist Church" party . 5 ot , in the outset , -what does the title " Christian Qartigt-Biean ? or has it any meaning ? "We mast , jot feck °£ explanation , take it literally to mean a new q&ni of Chartist Churchism , to be ready cut and dry , h t rebftitot * for a State establishment ; of tkis there an te bo doubt , because religien cannot , like politics , le pa « and off according to expediency . In this Tfev , thsB , we have a substitute for the great grievance tf vkks all parties , save those -who pocket by it , © septa .
QtnstiiZ ! Protestanbsm , or State Church , is its intosj , msn&j struggled for toleration ; bat when it got pascal strength , it looked for equality , and , wbtn It got political superiority , it took spiritual ascendancy , Bd sssmed political supremacy ; but , in its infancy , it to just as tolerant as the Christian Chartist Church a vrv , and , in its power , it is not a whit more c&gxioss , tyrannical , and exclusive , t ^ H" a Chartist Onsch would be if once sanctioned . S » te Church is the Christian Tory Church , and Ctartim seeks , as one of its great and useful ends , the lEsS&ition of the domination of that Church ; and the KtnnfT in irhich Chartists are called upon to test their ibariij in a desire to put down a State Chuich , is w asatOisfcin ^ one of their own in its stead .
Gsistisa Dissentism is the Whig Cfcnreb , which kt bat wilts for a sufficiency of political power to naii Dr . Pfcflpotts tnd Mr . Baines , the church-rate ranjr , as hs it called , change places . There is no saana ? upoa record of one church being even charifebk to another church -, the strong is always tpuiBiral , the Treat is always tolerant , till its turn etnna , and then it justifies its own intolerance upon tia pka of retribution and religious vengeance for past
Ai & political engine , let us now test the means by Thki ocr new-light Chartist Christians are to serre fbe principle for which they profess to contend . Does thar incorporation weaken the enemy and strengthen thsEsslTu , and does their increased strength , if they dsrrre any , add to the general strength of Chartism ? They cannot weaken ths enemy , because the State Cimta win have its dues ; and il they recruit their etsreh from the Dissenters' rank * , they become but the foandition of a new dissent sect . They cannot , therefore , gg pggfbfn themselves , &s they do BOt weaken the easniy , * ad , u » consequence , they ean giTe no additional strength to Chartism generally .
"R " ell , but , sjji a Pastor oi Beacon , we can strengthen ourselves without weakening the enemy ; we can fire our disciples with religious enthusiasm , and , like all martyrs of old , breathe spiritual life into our political body . Then , I answer , you are fanatics , and not Tsirssa ] Christians , because yon admit an opposite creed to those with whom you contend , while the Tery esseae of Chartism proclaims cml equality to lead to fi » rarreral right of religious worship as each sMdsemfit Well , so we mean , « y the Christian EsrtBfe Then , I ask , are all Chartists , who are net
cMEsac&ca of your church , infidel Charti sts ? and if J 3 n religion is so pure as to be uniYersally adapted by aZZ , roaraBi difigr in faith from & 11 rrintiwg sects ; 'Caatica produce your articles of religious faith , k « ae hiTing founded a Church , which is eren a mere eCtSKTe term thin a sect , you must hare some peculiar fish a ytxi » re humbugs . Vefl , but you answer either that yon haye no creed , « 2 aJ yoo creed is so uniTersal that all men ought to ^^ it If you hare no creed you can hare no ^ BBi ; and , if von csts a creed , and if that creed & » «* embrace Cattiolidim . Vrokesi * n £ sm ,
Bissent-™ i ( Jokerim , and all the minute ramifications of »* ^ rml psrent stocks ; do you not exclude all b $ b £ u conscientious Catholics , and all England « esaciaitiou 3 Protestants , Dissenters , Catho-~ l IsSdeli ? So that if you haTe no pecnlUr *» Toa haTe no tiUe to the designation yon ^"^ ka ; and if 7 Ou hare a faith , and if ¦ j « a haJ ge-podge faith , a faith which conj ^ w * thrisasns , will not subscribe to , you become ^^ anra sect of politico-religious adTenturers , sacy Titfc joui pioaj lcaf to ^ ^^ the cha ^ t oy € n te aomait it becomes heated .
I . fci cms , ypjjjj atandon tfae cjiartjsts ^ 3 c ^ a ,. ^^ ° » bw , if I thought that the noble political £ 7 ^ > f « » bjeh I hare suffered so much in mind , ., ttd estate , waa , as a first rider , to be saddled ^ « EJ peculiar creed , faith , or church ; or eren if ^ *^ * te * thing called " a Christian Chards-* = tt ^ *^ ' tion S ii ™ 2 ' 2 in its name , audtolei-¦* Jjeophantie m iu infancy , would giin pre-. ™* it gained strength , and increase in tyranny " --essed ispoTrer . lR at
7 oei ^ yoa illd 6 ed Christians all , and are If ^ u _ esie'isiTe and primitire as you profess ? to 3 j & * ' > a before , upon your honest industry , •^^^ rT ^ yoiltaTe timB ' " > iiwket-place , ij ??*?* &l " ^ ca «> y with j-cra " neither purse nor * Wy ^ k 6011 ^ 116 7 onT daties in tile Eame B ? irit ^ aia &oa coma'eace ' 3 your calling , by creating ^ MtiT ''' ' and 5 trife ' iBStead of " P - " ttaa fcari 4 m £ > as men - " Y ( m ^^ doa 9 more ' in s , yaj > a : > K ^ . to create disunion , than in a whole ha ^ j ^ " by y ° m preaching , heaL Do yon "" ^ TTM * ^ '' *** l 6 ft f OT y 0 T 1 to f 0 nDrI a C ^ h jujcj . eom ™ euce in strife sxd ecd uciai jm ' ' its foundation in dis-^ ftSafi ^ * P tructure in harmony ? Yours Oojeag ^ 8 daUnS ia religio n ; a kind of spiritual tod i- ^ . ' - The people tried these in flesh
Io = aj 5 ^ ? c > c > ds ' ^ ad , in many instance * , they ^' ¦^ WiT ^ d 0 WQ one body of shopkeepers , of & « jrtJ *^^ 1 paaads in establishing a new sect ^^ Shb - ^ ^ PolS f 10100511 M ^^^ Te , yet a well-^ "S SS desig nation of a political party . ffl k ^ s&T 1 * 111 1 ti " > agh 'PP ™ " ?" . all-embracing •«*» V ^* < ame * ^ ith it exclusion of all other Sa ^ bJ ° * * ex Pe < * Poli ^ cal aid . The Catho-M k * i ^! ae ^ blttetest enemie « ^ *• « llow « d 411 t « ** teLL hae * ^^ taTB ^ ff ^ 64 t o * sa »^ / ~* > Mia woald dr « d you ; so with tiie ^ ^ ttJ ^ " theI ) i »« te » ; while those of ^• •^ SJ ! Z ° ^^ y * » i a » " ^ cinl ^• fe tZ ! ^* 51137 ' 1 tMcli »» «>• w » tof all Sfii . laj " ^ HKmndof Jour Christian Chartism S " iS ( * S IWt 8 t * gain * y 0 " wroniption of ** ° rta « - i ^^ * rtist Chxu ^ - " Firstly , a > an f ^ SlS LS " " ^ ***** *»» i ^^ 2 lJ 2 L " ^ ta-WT . l ^ cause ""
il ^ Wiacal mir ^ « tablishment of ^^ itr ;^ » to be followed by the estab-Ko > i » a ^ " digiMa * ' 2 ? WlLS , * " * - ae -taVushment of Sl ^ *^ U eSl ^ BOt a State ^ " ^ to ^ W ?^ ^ ^^ y ^ the ^ ital point ti and , further , j aaBy of ^ e ^
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terested supporters of the voluntary principle are our greatest political enemies . Again , it is a well understood thing that in Scotland all the ptwers of Europe could not establish a Christian Chartist Chuich , or any other paxtltnTsr ascendancy Ckurch , through the instrumentality of the Charter . The preachers in S # otl » nd strengthen ChxrtUm , wilile they weakea hUMibugitm . The preachers at Sirmisfhan Treaien ChartUm , while , fortuaately , they do not muchatrengtkenhumbugisni ; but no thanks to them . In ScotUad the preachers assume no distinct religious bear-Ing ; and the best ptoof of the difference between Sc « tch
and English Chartist preaching is this : In Scotland it unites the people , amd weakens and disunites the enemy r the funds go to advance the political principles , while no peculiar religions fsith is preached or attempted to be enforced . In Birmingham , Christian Chartism tends to disunite the great body ot the Chartists and to increase their opponents , -while it only unites a knot of monthing , mumbling , preaching , gasconading hypocrites , who are already li-ring up « n Chur « h property , and who , I will hold a trifle , are beginning to dress clerically and to turn up the whites of their tjea like a duck in thunder , while they are comfortably fleecing the dupes and doing the flats .
Of course this -vriil t > e all contradicted and animad-Terted upon . I expect it fully ; no man cries " stinking fish . " Bat , h « w « Ter , I call up » n every honest Chartist throughout the land , to put the extinguisher of honest and ¦ unsophisticated political principle , upon this Christian Chartist new-light humbng , which has , in so short a time , shown us so much darkness . I tell them that no sonnd principle ever has been or ever will be hatthed under the winf of fanaticism ; and , in the name of justice and of he * ren , if we are to be beaten , d » nt let great tw « -flsted , bUttid * , -worfdDg men , at all events , be beaten by old women in breeches in the nineteenth century . I say down with all humbugs , and the humbug of fanaticism bting the greaUst of all humbugs , down with that first .
I object to Teetotal Chartism , because all who do not join in it , and I fear they are many , will be considered as unworthy their civil rights . I object to Knowledge Chartism , because it impliedly acknowledges a standard of Borne sort of learning , education , or informatioD , as a necessary qualification to entitle man to his political rights . In faet , the Whigl think opposition to TVhiggery , and the Tories think opposition to Toryism , a perfectly good and valid ground , whereon to establish popular ignorance , and a consequent political disqualification . I object to Household Suffrage Chartism , because it is not Chartism at all .
In fact , I look for the Charter to promote Christianity , to insure temperance , to inculcate knowledge , and to give the Bouse and something more , while the use of those several qualifications , as a means to an end , will but place the Charter , year after year , farther from oar reach . The Christians will say , " you havent your Chartist catechism . " The Teetotallers will say , " you ' re drank . " The teachers will say , *¦ you ' re ignorant , " and
the Householders will say " you ' re houseless . " So that you need not one qualification , but / our qualifications . Abstinence , knowledge , and a home will lack the still gnart essential , in the estimation of the pistors and deacons ot Mother Church . Chrutkn Chartism , Teetotalism , and knowledge will lack the House . Christian Chartism , knowledge , and the House will lack the abstinence , and Christian Chartism , Teetotalism , and the House will lack the knowledge .
So believe me , my good and -worthy fustian jackets , blistered hands , and unshorn chins , that no one of the crotchet-mongers will abate a pin ' s point of his dogma to carry the Charter ; and the more each section of dogmatists thrive in their several vocations , by so much the farther will they take care t * shove the Charter from you . Treat manas man , and if they fall down , Christians Church and all , and swear by the steeple , dont yoa believe one of them , that they -would rather work , Tfith the Charter , than preach and live fat and in idleness without it- It is not in human nature ; and if they tell yo « it is their nature , Iau ^ h at them .
It is well enough to be kept down by the force of cannon and Right Reverend Fathers in God , but it is rather too bad to be held in chains by froth and flammery , and Right Reverend Fathers in the Devil . Believe me , if you allow those four sections to mix up each their peculiar tenets with your cause , you will have raised unto yourselves four powerful enemies , mild as sucking doves while looking for power , but savage as roaring lions when they find your power likely to overcome theirs . We shall then have washing and cleansing Chartists declaring you are too dirty for enfranchisement
I am anxious to see e ^ ery Chartist a good Christian , a good neighbour , )» " * a good friend . I am desirous of seeing emj Chsartist sober , industrious , and honest , full ef knowledge and filling houses ; and it is because I believe , in my soul and my conscience , that a hypocritical use of those inestimable blessings will impede , or altogether destroy their possession , that I thus array myself , single-handed , against the quadruple alliance .
There nsver was a more patriotic , Ot usefnl agitator than the glorious Father Mathew , who has produced a moral revolution in Ireland , making it the sound foundition for any temple that shall be raised upon it , and , as a first-fruits , we find the Charter working its way in sober Ireland . Now , if the Christians will g » abaut aa he has done ; if the Teetotallers and knowledge-moEgers will do likewise , inculcating religion ,
abstinence , and knowledge , as a means to any end which they may unitedly produce , without establishing man ' s adhesion to any of them , as a political tsst , then I will give them mj blessing and my every assistance ; and I am sure that each and all will lead td the accomplishment of our civil and religious regeneration . But once mike nonconformity ground for exclusion , and you establish sects and sections , instead of one universal corps of regenerators .
My friend 3 , get your Charter , and I will answer for the religion , sobriety , knowledge , and house , and a bit of land into the bargain . Upon the other hand , foster your Chnreh and you marss a viper in your bosom , ready to sting you to death , rather than allow you to thrive to her detriment . I did fondiy hope that of all humbugs a Chartist Sate Church would be the last tried , but there is nothing like a great effort to produce a startling effect , and , I doubt not , but many -srho have read the trash of the "NiW Jrjrusilemites , frill have already said , " What fools we were to have allowed them to get a moment's footing amongst us . "
If Chartists you are , Chartists remain ; you have work enough without entering into the new maze prepared for you , by the bishops , priests , eiders , pastors , and deacons , of the sucking -dove Chartist Church . I should be much more popular if I would lend myself to the wiles and machinations of the poor man ' s enemies ; but come what will of me , yon shall not be lost with your eyes shut , while I have a half one open ; and , in truth , they aw now nearly both closed frem Chabtist smoke .
My friends , bear in mind that I speak as a Chartist I have a perfect right to repudiate the ignorance , insolence , and intolerance of any parties who dare to make traffic of any portion of a general political pr incipld , of which I am a disciple , to terve any sinister purpose . The name is what I object to . No party in the State , except a majority of the Chartists , has any right to assume a religious designation , which may lead the world to suppose was to be the new creed of Chartism , which , I trust , has no set order of spiritual faith beyond loving God and fearing evil . Let them call themselves the Hoksy Pokey , New Brummagem , er old Jerusalem , froth and fiummerites , and preach Southey and Shelley , and play the Highland bagpipes , as a means of regenerating man , till they are black in the face , and they shall never bear more from
Your faitbiol and watchful , though walied-up friend , a sober , knowledge-loving Christian , AND A Chartist , Fejlr&cs ( y CoNitOB .
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THE POWER OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES . £ asc » ster Csstle , March < tb , 1841 , My 2 > ear M , —In my last , as well as I can recolleet , I endeavonred to show that the middle classes constitute the supreme power of the state i the power which now-a-days rules the destinies of the kingdom . They have absorbed the national representation , —they elect all our municipalities throughout the kingdom , — they compose ourvestrieB and Boards of Guardians ; and , bATing the appointing of all parish officers , are as abso-
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lute in parochial affairs as they are in the corporations . From these classes , too , are all juries selected , and by them are all issues tried between the sovereign and his lieges ; bo that , in the last resort , they have every man ' s life or liberty in their hands . Add to this , the power of what has been called— " The Fourth Estate "— < di * the power of moulding public opinion through the periodical press —( which is almost entirely in the hands of the middle clMsea ) - —&nd 1 think yoa will agree with me that , no matter who may be oar ostensible rulers , the real practical Government of the country resides essentially in the
middle classes . Through the House of Commtna they controul the other two branches of the Legislature , and hold the Crown itself , or Executive , in the bonds of dependence , They ean get pawed , or repealed , what laws they like , or stop legislation altogether , by stopping the supplies . They can starve the King or Queen into compliance with their Will , having made the Sovereign entirely dependent for his maintenance upon a vote of the House of Commons . Through the Municipality , or Corporations , they exercise the same absolute sway in local government that they do through the House of Commons over the general Government
Through the administration ot ih * laws relating to the rtlitf of the ixx > r , they not only hold in their hands the issues of life or death to the unfortunate paupers thumsslves , but indirectly command the destiny of the independent labourer ; for , In proportion as they degrade and maltreat the pauper within doors , do they terrify the . poor labourer out of doors to accept any wages offered him by his middle class employer . Even Mother Church herself has not escaped their clutches ; tor , through their vestry meetings , they have her sacred edifices , and the maitrialt of her worship , In their keeping . They may cut off her bread and wine , stop her bell ringing , leave the parson without a surplice , and let the Church tumble
down about his ean for want of repairs . All this they can do by simply refusing a rate ; for , as to the remedial power of the Queen ' s Benth , God help the parsons when it comes to that with them ! So you see , my friend , that nothing , sacred ox profane , haa escaped the unclean teuch of these harpief . Yet all their powers , enormous as they are , would not suffice to consolidate their empire , if they bad not also extended it orer trial by jury and the press . So they have taken especial care to establish such qualification far jurors , and such shackles for the press ( In the shape of surety bonds and stamps ) as have rendered these two great institutions mere instruments of oppression in their ( the middle classes ') bands .
• ' The whole machinery of « ur laws" says a high judicial authority , " however vast and complicated , ultimately resolves itself into twelve jurymen in a box . " " Only give m « a free and unshackled press , " said Brinsley Sheridan , " and do you take King , Lords , and Commons , with army , navy , and what else you like , and 7 will undertake to beat you and put you down . " These secrets did not escape our prudent middle classes . They knew , the rogues t that a power to make laws is nothing without the power to execute them ; that a power to create
new crimes , and to enact new penalties , would be useless to them , unless they could obtain convictions ; ind that the only way to ensure that was to usurp the Jury-box , as they had asvjrp&d the Commons . They knew , also , that unless they could monopolise the erpression of public opinion , their monopoly of the Government would be but the " baseless fabric of a vision . ' * These state secrets , I say , did not escape oar prudent middle classes , and the consequence is , that in no other department of public affairs , is the power of the middle classes more absolute than it is over
trial by Jury and the newspaper press . Now , M , all these powers have been usurped by the middle classes . They are , every one of them , the work of usurpation . Our Constitution knows nothing of a middle class . Mapna Charla says nothing about them , or about property qualifications . Even the Bill of Rights ( modern as it Is ; makes no such invidious distinctions to favour one part of the Commons at the expence of another . Our Constitution knows only three estates—King , Lords , and Commons . Every man , not a King or a Peer , is a Commonerhe is only one of the Commons ; and , in the eye of the Constitution , all Commoners are alike ; all bom to the same rights , all equally eligible to to offices of public trust , whether Parliamentary ,
municipal , parochial , or therwise . Whatever political privileges , then , the middle classes possess , to the exclusion of the working people , are but usurpationsimpudent , fraudulent , felonious , traitorous usurpations . They are every one of them the offspring of statute law , which has effected them by prope ^ fty qoaiMcations , and that , too , in very recent times . There was no electiral property qualification , for instance , before the reign of Henry Yi ., when the forty-shilling freehold franchise was firet established . In Ireland that franchise dates o ^ ly from 1713 , and it is now only twelve yearn Binca we siw it demolished by & new statute , to give place to other and different qualifications , which last another statute is now about to set aside , by the substitution of an entirely new and different electoral system .
Oar Parliamentary qualification , you know , dates only from the reign of Queen Anne , and to the present day yon have no Parliamentary qualification at all in Scotland . Are not most of the present electoral qualifications for Great Britain the work of the late Whig Reform Act of precious memory , that ia to say , the offspring of a law ten years old . And was not our prestnt jury law , that which determines the qualifications for jurors , passed in the reign of George IV ., only fifteen yeais ago ? And were not all the Kalignant laws , which have converted our newspaper press into a rank monopoly , all-polluted and all-polluting , passed in the three reigns immediately preceding th « present
reign of Victoria , the last and worst of all dating only from the late king ' s , and passed by a reformed Parliament ? Thus , you see , my friend , that the middle class-s are not only masters of our Govonment and institutions , but that they have acquired their mastership by a series of usurpations , every one of them of recent origin , every one of tbsm ths work of modern statute law , every one of them anti-constitutional and anti-national ; every one of them in the teeth of Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights , every one of them destructive of our constitutional rights , and every one of them bated , cursed , and disavowed by ninetenths or the British and Iriah people .
Now , is it likely that partieB who have thus invaded all our rights , and usurped the controul of all our institutions , to our utter and entire exclusion ; is it likely , I say , that thesa parties yvill unite with us to annul their own work , and to demolish their own usurpation ? If they are disposed that way , have I not said enough to shew you that they have the power to do all we want , without our forming " Unions" with them for that purpose ? If they are not bo disposed ( as is manifestly the case ) , what other than perfidious and mischievous objects can they have in view , in demanding to unite with us ? Would it not be committing
political suicide to abandon our present independent position , and throw ourselves into their arms , knowing , as we do , that whatever power and influence we have recently acquired , has besn -won and conquered Without them—aye , in spite of them ; knowing also , that we Bhould , ere now , have accomplished the deliverance of the nation , had it not been for their intrigues , their bribery , and for the traitors they had sent amengst us ; and , above all , knowing , as we do , that they have but to will our emancipation to carry it , and that , if they do not will it , our business is to unite against them , and not with them t
Hitherto , M , I have spoken of the power which the middle classer possess through the organisation of the Government . I have said nothing of the power they possess in virtue of their social position , alias through the fixisting organisation of society ; a power independent of any and all forms of Government , and which , alone , would render them virtually masters of any Government whenever they chose to make common cause with the working classes . Yea , M , though the middle classes did not possess a single political
right or a single representative in Parliament , they would still , I contend , be more than a match for any despotism , in virtue of the social power they possess as superintendents over the production and distribution of wealth , and as the directors of" our national industry , that is , provided they chose to make common cause with the workingwen . But I will reserve my observations on this head , as well as on the subject glanced at in your letter of yesterday , for a future commmonication . Meanwhile , I remain , &C ., James B . O'Bbiex .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF DURHAM COUNTY . M ? Friends , —O'Connor has called upon you DOW to do your duty to yourselves , your country , your imprisoned and exiled patriots . He has pointed out the means by which you way speedily , cheaply , and effectually do it . You have read or are acquainted with his earnest feeling and well-timed address . His plan you must have discussed , and I think almost , if not quite , unanimously approved . You have said , "Aye , that ' s the plan , "— "it ought to be done ;" wen , win you do it ? You cannot Hesitate , unless you have prepared to abomion the Charter , to submit to
oppression tamely , to leave tho imprisoned to periah , as Clayton haa already done , as many others are now doing , under the hellish system of mental and physical torture , by which Whiggism has sought to crush all manliness of character , or patriotism of sentiment . You cannot hesitate , unless you have willed that Frost and > his illustrious fellow-citterns are unworthy of their native land , fit only to associate with , murderers , robbers , and the most ) degraded of their race . This can never be ; you have asked me " will they ever return ? " I have beard many of you exclaim , you would give all you possessed to secure their restoration to their native land . I believe these words were the
sentiments of the heart The hour of trial has then come . The Charter , the liberation of your champions and victims , and an honourable restoration of the exiles , all depend upon you , and your Chartist brethren . Have you any better plan to propose than that offered by Mr . O'Connor ? You have not ; then take it . Prove that you are whatyou were , by providing the funds to send a delegate td the proposed Convention . Sunderland alone cannot do this , but the brethren in Newcastle are willing to co-operate with us . Now , then , let us see the work done instantly . Here ifl ft list of places , in which Chartism has long been preached , where its disciples are numerous , and consequently where the means to carry out the plan must be , and will , I hope , be found . If they respectively subscribe , according to the following moderate estimate , tho money will be raised , the delegate sent , the Convention
established , the work performed , and the objects accomplished . Say , £ b . d . Sunderland .. 3 0 0 Darlington . < r 10 Stockton . 10 9 Middlesborough- 10 0 West Auckland 10 0 Bishop Auckland 0 15 0 South Shields ......... no t Gatesbead ..., 0 10 Hartlepool ..., o 10 0 Wiolaton , Siralwell , < tc . oil 0 South Hetton— .. o 10 o Cornforte and Coxhoe . oio o X > ownes ... o 5 0 Easington Lane 0 5 0 Thornley ., 0 5 0
The country now looks to you to sand a delegate to the said Convention . I have shewn you the importance , the pressing importance of your duty , and the above is sufficient to shew , that if willing , It can be done—say that it shall . J MB , Faithfully youre , J . WULUXB .
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York Castle . Dear Bdrnett , —I cannot give you half thanks enough for your letter ; It 1 b just what one man , looking for a certain object , has a right to expect from anether , looking far the same object If , instead oi ' nibbling at me behind my back , every honest man would take the trouble of thus reasoning with me , and censuring me when in the commencement of error , I should be a more useful public servant , even than I have been ; because I am not dogged , and I never would persist in error , neither do i consider myself by any means infallible .
I will now reply to each objection in your letter , and , Firstly , as to my naming the men who were to constitute the Convention . Here I must refer you to my letter as » whole , in the first instance , and also to the circumstances under which it was written . You will bserve that it was written in * * hurry , under the most excited feelings , and with a view to have it ready for any cruiser that presented , for Its safe convoy ; that the object was to do as much as could be done , in a hurry , to stop heart-sore , disease , suffering , and death , and that such course , from its adoption to its completion , was suggested by the possibility of the Star , and other Radical papers , communicating the result of each meeting in that week ' s paper . Thus , the adaption one week , election another , selection a third , and convention the fourth .
Well , I did not name the men , bat I contend for my right to have named aome of the very men , and I never contend for mote tha » my tight . Now , bear in mind that the Convention was to be a " Prisoner ' s Liberation Convention , " and that I was a prisoner ; thai I had a perfect right to state , at all events , ia whose safe custody I would repose my liberty and character ; because I would not sacrifice a particle of tho latter for the possession of the former . And , as to O'Brien's recommendation being sufficient , I still say so , as he is another prisoner , who knows Chartists in districts with -which I am unacquainted . In fact , if the prisoners could have been consulted , I have no hesitation in saying that their recommendation of men Bhould have been conclusive with the country , and would have been conclusive , not only as to their own release , or endeavour to procure it , but also as to the furtherance of the Charter ; for every man who will honestly strive for the release of the prisoners , will as honestly struggle for the Charter .
Again , observe , I went upon a previously adopted principle ; Moir and Williams were previously chosen , and , in order to effect all at once , their attendance would save time , and then the election of one of the Frost , Williams , and Jones' Restoration Committee became indispensible . These three , then , were previously elected ; and bear in mind , that the only person whose appointment I thought indispensible , was that of PUkethly , and even that was kut ajtstand fair recommendation . In fact , I said there were thousands of others ; and when I omitted BUCh men 88 Jam 68 Taylor , of Rochdale , Woodhouse , of Leicester , and Black , ot Nottingham , and yourself and others , you must be aware that I was In a hurry . This , you say , " was considered despotic . " Then is it despotic to nominate a candidate at an election—then is it despotic to " give honour to whom honour is d \ w > , " or to declare confidence in whom you truly repose it t
Then , as to allowing the Executive of Manchester the exclusive power to select from those choseD . Now , here again , I contend that such a power mast be vested in some body , and in what body more satisfactorily , than in the only one recognised by the whole nation ? but they had no such power ; for in the event of a public meeting preferring another , the meeting had a power of over ruling ; and , observe the necessity . Ten were as many as we could pay ; many more have been already chosen , and , suppose twenty or thirty to be chosen , must not some means be taken of selecting the proposed number from that body , or kow are they to be paid ? However , Mr . Hill has very properly pus this in a better view , for which I thank him . You say that it was deemed that each locality was most nt to judge for itself . Exactly so ; and hence each locality choosing a good man , the Executive couid not go wrong , and if inclined , a public meeting of the Mien of Manchester would not allow them .
Then as to the day of meeting in London , the 12 th , ( Easter Monday . ) Here I admit , and plead guilty to a charge of despotism , of the very worst of all despstisras , " ignorance ; " for , believe me , Burnett , that when I wrote that letter , I no more thought of such a festival as Easter than I thought of the man in the moon , indeed , I would have been mad to name that day , for the very reasons stated in your letter , because I think the week , from the 12 th to the l » th , wbiie members were absent , and the London people amusing themselves , and tho country people difficult to begot to petition meetings , would nave been just so much time thrown away . I acknowledge it , and , therefore , to Bradford the country will owe this correction of my blunder , as of coarse It will be remedied .
Now , as to the effect of country delegates in London , you-were never more mistaken In yon * life : nothing gives the London Caartiata half so much pleasure as being able to enow their provincial strength to the enemy , and hence one great reason I had in recommending men who were speakers , and men who who were already known to the wh # le Chartist party ; and , bear in mind , that the metropolitan Chartiata are very suspicious , and as the time was short , only two weeks , the whole would have been wasted in strangers forming an acquaintance with Chartists in the metropolis . Had It been a . Convention to » it for two or three months , they may devote some time to introducing themselves ; but twelve days was short enough , without any portion being thrown away in ceremony . I never contemplated the sitting of the Convention would exceed one fortnight I think it ought not
Now , my dear Burnett , to shew you and to prove to you that I merely suggested the plan , and avoided all further intercourse , I have actually appeared rude and negligent , by not answering letters from Edinburgh and several other places , asking me for an opinion agon details , not one of wbfch have I even replied to . Believe roe , Burnett , that tbe greatest ef all despotism la a dread of making » bold stroke for the benefit of a just cause , from the apprehension of being called a despot If my conduct has been despotic , we live in ¦> nation of despots , for I rejoice to tell you that I have ft pile of letters ; fonr feet high , from England , Ireland—aye , Ireland , Scotland , and Wales , in which , throughout , there Is s spirit ot noble feeling breathed , amduot « ne dissentient
However , I thank you for the jost ?• eensoftWp ; " it is to censorship of public men I have evu looked as a means of keeping them honest Censure me , and scold me , when you think me wrong ; and whan you convince me of error , I shall net be ofestinate . I wnctafle with a sentence from the splendid lettei of T . F . > » Scotch Chartist , to the Editor of the Scottish Patriot : — " Many boasters are now quid ; and many ? determined fellows' nave slunk from the battle . Then trust not all new comers . "
Now , my good friend , it was because I did not wish to trust the short work of ft fortnight to " new eomers" that I exercised what I thougfct a legitimate privilege , in naming men in whose honour , zaal , and honest y I waa ready to risk the life and liberty of self and fellow prisoners , and the furtherance of the cause . The more I reflect upon the project , the more certain
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I feel that £ 88 , or £ SM , was never so benencially spent in the cause of Chartism . It is the very nick of time , and the very way ot meeting it Tho « e who wi't not , When at liberty , work for those i « bondage , do not know the use of the blessing , or deserve its possession . Of one thing you will acquit me—" self intere . it ;" for , believe me , that if nine millions of signatures were seat to both Houses and the Queen , on my behalf , they would not procure for mo * day's ramiasior ) « f Whig tyranny ; but , I feel confident , it will have the effect of setting masy free , and bringing us all nearet the haven , by adding a thousand-fold increased strcugth to the Charter . Again , I thank yon , and in the best spirit I thank you , And remain , your faithful friend , FeaRGHS O'CONNoa .
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^> ~— " - " •» RELEASE OF F . O'CONNOR , ESQ . TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITALV . Brbthren , —As the time is now approaching whea tb . it unflinching and incorruptible patriot , Feargus O'Connor , Esq . j will be released from the fangs of bis merciless and tyrannical oppressors , -we deem it our duty to give you timely notice of our intention of having a public demonstration on that occasion ; and we call upon you to jain with us in shewing to the world out admiration of his patriotism and devotion to the cauM of suffering humanity , and our detestation and aW-orrence of the base tyrants by whose unjust decree he has been so long consigned to solitary confinement in a felon ' s dungeon .
We view with great pleasure the determination of eeveral of our London brethren to honour the " noble patriot" by being present on his emerging from bit " living tomb , " and we call upon our brethren of the east , the west , and the north , to join with the brav « men of the south , in their lamdable and praiseworthy determination , by sending on that day delegates fit m all parts ot the kingdom to swell the ranks of freedom . Brethren , we hail with delight the approach of that day , when our glorious chief , restored to the arnus of s > grateful people , shall again breathe the pure air of heaven , again to battle in the cause of freedom against the bydra-headed-inonatertyranny ; again to raw * his powerful voice in behalf of the oppressed million * , and show to his and our oppressors , that although he has be « n so long immured within the walls of ft dun ^ on , he is still their enemy so long as the system of oppression exists .
Brethren , if there be aught that can substantiate onr claim to your notice more strongly on this occasion , it is , that we are living , and he is imprisoned witbin to * very sink of corruption and priestly dominion , wher » the voice of freedom is seldom heard , but which <> nly requires to be once raised to arouse its inmates to » sense of their ignominious and degraded position , totear iwide the veil of prejudice , and embrace the principles of truth and justice . Fellow-countrymen , although our numerical atren ^ tll be small , yet there is amongst us a determination to be free . Public opinion is fast increasing in our favour , and we hope the day is not far distant when the vralls of our ancient city shall ring with the echo of indignation which shall burst from its inhabitants , at the bas » system which hath held them so long in thraldom , and persecuted their truest friend ; that have treated mth contempt the petitions of th « suffere ? and given h ^ ar to the " shallows" who are unworthy to be trig slave * .
Brethren , we are aware that many calls have been made upon yon , which must have necessarily detracted from your funds ; auA as further calls -will ha- » e to be made upon yen to carry out the forthcoming agitation , we recommend you , as the easiest method , to imitate the example of our London brethren , by having l > oxes made to place upon your association tables , for the- purpose of receiving voluntary contributions , to defray the expences of your delegates , sent on that day to ahow your attachment to that grsat and good man to whom we are desirous to do honour ; and as the phice . f his ^ confinement , was the place of his trial , so let it be his tatting post to a fresh career ; let us see thousaudl assembled on that glorious day to raise their voic < s in exultation of the event , and to convince him of } out love of the glorious principles for which he has so unjustly suffered .
Brethren , we now leave you for the present , in the hope of hearing youT favourable response to our call . Hoping that what we have above stated will be a sufficient excuse for addressing you at such an early period , We remain , Brethren , On behalf of the Committee of Management , Yours obediently , Edw . BUBl / EY , CbairnwH .. W . CORD EC X , Secretary . York , March 29 , 1841 .
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LONDON AND COUNTRY CHARTISM . " Ca 8 . Tell mo , can yon see your face ? Br . u . No , Save by-reflection from other things . " Julius Cjssar . Lond « n has been much blamed for its apathy in thi Chartist cause . The country has gone on struggling and suffering , and often looking anxiously to London , not so much for help as for encouragement ; but London , like the monarch-sirs of the Black Prince , at the Battle of CreBsy , looked" on as though it were willing that the country alone should have the honour of the victory . It is true , many good battles for auxiliary causes
have been fought and won in London , as , for instance , the battle of the unstamped ; but the greatest and best of all—the battle for the cause itself—for the char , ter , has yet to be won , « nd London must not remain a spectator ; it must aid—it most do more—it musk lead . Inactivity in London is the more to be deplored , as many people in the country wait till London rises ; they want its example to animate them , for the name ef London , like the name of a king , woutd be a "tower of strength" to all those who require the prestige of a name , as well as the justice of the cause , to rouse and encourage them .
Let London come down , and the victory would soon be gained ; let it stand aloof , and success must be protracted , though it will not be prevented . With or without London , the cause will be won . Thisis th * critical period—now , or never ! Lyndon ! take the lead , or thou art distanced for ever . What am I talking about ? some will say . Has not London come forward ? -was it not the first ?—is it not the foremost ? I answer no ! The country took the vanguard—the post of honour . Nor do I rest upon ' empty volubility ; " I bring proofs . Since I came to London , many contests have I had with the Londoners on this subject . They of course stand up for the town , I for the country . They deny that the country is ia advance of London ; but what is the fact ? Our mirailes are words—the engine , that shoots them , the presseditors are our engineers—writers supply ammunition .
This is our physical force ; thusweflglit . Well , what great guns does London bring into the field ? In London there is but one avowed Chartist periodical , and it is a halfpenny One . It is called the ' -English Chartist Circular . Why not give it its proper name—Lomion Halfpenny Chartism ? It is an imitation of the Glasgow Chartist Circular , which , however , bears a more modest title . Now , thwe is not a town in the country but would be ashamed to contribute no more to the cause than a little weekly halfpenny book . There is the Northern Star why was it not instituted in London ? Because the spirit of Chartism waa not strong enongb to support a Star In the south , witaess the Souihern Star . The north—aye , the north—the glorious north is the Jand of liberty ! It was in Yorkshire that Chartism was born and bred , Chartism was cradled on our moorland hills—rocked by our ocean winds—reared like a giant amid the storms of the north .
I do not say there are no good Chartists -in London ; praise be blessed . ' there are many who are all the better for being so , in spite of the evil circumstances that surround them . A good Chartist is a superlatively good man—a Christian . There is Cleave , the chief Chartist publisher in London—the sound-thinking Lovttt— imprisoned Hetherington—Messrs . Neesom , Boggis , Wall , < fec < fec ., all good men and true . The wonder is that , with such leaders , London is not more " up to the mark . " Bat there are causes for the apathy of the working men in London—disgraceful causes , as they must be , perforce—causes which ought to operate as a removal of their own consequences , for , in this instance , the effects ought to cure the causes . in a future paper , l will endeavour to trace some of these , and to bout up to the Londoners a glass , wherein they may see the inmost part of them . The recent meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern , when Cleave cleft the heart of Walter , but could not persuade him
" To throw away the wprser part of it , And live the butter with the purer half ;'' The spirit at that meeting gives promises of better " life : in London . " Yes , there is hope that the " d » ysprlng from on high" will shortly viait the metropolis . Metlilnks I ste the " Morning Star" arise ! when O'Connor cemes forth from his living tomb ; Will h » not animate London t will not her resurrection be conjunctive with his ? " His form and cause conjoin'd , preaching to stones , Might make them capable . ' " Eloquence such as his , might , In the words « f Republican Milton— "create ft soul Cnder the ribs of Death . " JoHK Watxiis . London , 22 , Chadwell-etreet . Middleton-sqnare .
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Appeal to Christians . —An advertisement under liis l ) 6 ad appears in another part of our present paper , affording an instance of the sowdaloas mode » i which the immense revenues of the Established Church of this country are distributed . While maaj of its useless incumbrancea are rolling in luxurious affluence , this poor man , who seems to have been working clergyman of good character during his whole life , is reduced in the period of affliotion to ( he necessity- ' of soliciting eleemosynary , aid . Wo cordially commend his ease to the consideration of the benevolently minded of the upper and middle olaseej of society . The very existence of sach a ease it a standal to those classes .
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COLLIERY WAR OF EXTERMINATION . TO THE EDITOR OF THK NORTHEEN STAK . Sir , —There is no lack of facts to prove that whatever be the nature ot the power which the strong can , without responsibility , wield over the weak , thatsuth power ever tends to despotism . The slavery and oppression of the millions are not to be rectified by the possessltnof the . franchise alone , unless that franchise be so used as to realise a state of social equality , to arrest the individual accumulation of wealth , the monopoly of knowledge , and destroy the elassiacatUns which those are the means of upholding . The labour seller is the slave of the labour buyer , and ever will be bo , untillabour shall be deemed and felt a privilege and duty equally sgreeable to , and binding upon , all . As it is , the honest labourer is taught to consider himself the recipient of a favour ; when a capitalist , or a money bashaw , condescends to buy his labour , he stoops to beg " a brother of the earth to give him leave to toil , " and how « f ten does he
" See hi * lordly fellow -worm tba poor petition spurn , Unmindful though a weeping wife And helpless offspring mourn . " It is notorious , that It is not merely the ability to labour well , nor even the Want of the kind of labour that is sufficient to induce the labour buyer , or the money tyrant , to piirehase the labour he requires ; there must also exist the disposition to labour with servility of soul , —the labourer must order himself " lowly and reverently , " era he can be permitted to employ his skill in providing f « r his wants . He has no recognised right to think , and ( if it were possible ) stillless to speak or to act in his own thoughts . He is a- lion feeder , but does not get the jackal ' s snare . He may nave the crumbs after the dogs are fed , but then only
when he exhibits dog gratitude , crushes his mind , and padlocks his tongue . There is no field upon which be can employ his patents or labour , but by the sufferance of those who nave monopolised all . The lands , minerals , sea , and all the materials ef existence belong to others , by legal action , « , nd starving fact . There is no existent *> eing more helpless than the human labourer . For a mere difference of religious creed be is mercilessly swept from the land of his fathers by the •' clearance system" of a Proteatmt aristocracy in Ireland , while the English labourer is scourged by the same tyrannous principle in innumerable forms . These thoughts and feelings have been suggested and called forth , by facts which have come to my knowledge during a few days' journey amongst the collieries of this
country . There is no class of working men in Britain that are more villanously robbed and oppressed than the pitmen ; kind and unsuspecting , and too ignorant for their crafty tyrants , they are in many ways duped of their earnings , and plundered by regulations , par , tial , vexatious , unjust , and unncessary . It would , however , require far more time than I can now command , and more space than you can spare , to make others not acquainted with them understand the system which exists in the colliery districts . My present object is to expose a system of extermination wbicb ia now being put in operation against all who have been or are connected with the Chartist cause . It is the practice amongst the collieries of Durham , and probably prevails in other districts , to
bind the pitmen to a year ' s servitude by a bond which they ore required to sign ; those bonds are without exception ( varying only in degree ot iniquity ) framed for the protection of the master , and to enable him to plunder the workmen , by a syste-n of fines and forfeitures unjust , mean , and tyranical ; of this , however , I shall have more to say hereafter with your leave . Within the last week or two , the binding for tho next year , commencing April 5 th , lias been going on in all the collieries . It has been intimated to many , who during the last year were connected with the Chartist cause , that they would be marked , and accordingly the owners of South Helton , Helton , Elemore , and otker collieries have marked all who had been guilty of doing their Anty as men and as citizens . Oa Saturday
last , aU the leading Chartists working at those collieries were informed that they might leave the colliery , that their services were not particularly rtquirod , and , therefore that the masters wete not disposed to bind them , because they bad too many men . To shew , however , the hypocrisy and dishonesty of this excuse , some of those persecuted Chartists went to Potter , the viewer and manager of South Hetton Colliery , and requested to be informed why they were discharged . He gave the reasons as above ; but when it was shewn , that contrary to usual custom , he had discharged many who bad been employed for some years , and bad also bound several fresh men , he was unable to assign a reason , and to get out of the dilemma , in wbicb he found
himself , called one of the overmen to ascertain whether he could discover anything against the character of the parties . The overman , in reply to Potter ' s question , stated that he had nothing to say against them , that they were very canny men , but turning to one ( Hunter ) observed , " He is one of the Radical chaps . " Hunter demanded whether he was expected tu bind himself to certain principles , and whether his Radicalism had anything to do with his abilities and conduct as a workman . He called upon Potter to state wheth « r , during the two years he had been With him , he had any fault to find . " No , " says Potter , " but I suppose you are discharged for some reason . " Yes , for some reason , truly , and a most discreditable one for you , Mr . Potter .
Several pitmen working at Hetton Colliery were refused work In consequence of having engaged a room to hold Chartist meetings , and to appropriate to a reading-room , and other nienns of improving their minds , habits , and character . There was less shuffling in this case , foT the parties were plainly told that it was intended not to bind any active Chartists ; but that if they would give np the room , and cease to agitate , they might have their work . Tho men , however , have nobly refused to comply with those degrading terms , and we rejoice to state that the tyrants have , in some instances , outwitted each other , Potter having got several Chartists from other collieries , and the Hetton owners having got Potter ' s pestilent fellows ! A fair exchange ! one which we believe will be greatly advantageous to the Chartist cause . There are many , however , unbound , liable to be
discharged at a moment's notice ; this is done to intimidate them and induce them to forswear their principles , and as a warning to others . 'Tie in vain . The voice of rppressed humanity will find utterance . The Coalpit Kings could not suppress it by imprisoning Williams and Binns ; the places they occupied and the work they performed was dona well and nobly by others . They are again at liberty . Perhaps that is the reason why the Kings are SO desperate just now . They dread that the . coming summer will witness a great revival . It may not be exhibited in the same form ; we may not have our processions and demonstrations , but the cause shal go on . Libraries , reading rooms , lectures , and other mental machinery is designed and shall be constructed to make England the land of free and happy citizens , and these are examples to other nations of the fruits of freedom and the means of achieving it . I am , Sir , yours respectfully , J . Williams .
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O'CONNOR'S DESPOTISM ! The following correspondence between Mr . Burnett , of Bradford , and Feargus O'Connor , has been handed to us for publication : — Bradford . Sir , —I should have Written previously , since our meeting on Wednesday evening last , if I had bad any time . Nothing but poverty , and being consequently obliged to Work , would have prevented me . We met for the purpose of discussing the merits or demerits of the plan proposed by yon , and which appeared in the Star % fortnight ago , for » Political Prisoners ' Liberation , and Charter Petition Convention , to sit in Londoa for the space of two weeks . The objections raised are the following : —
First Part dissatisfaction has existed In consequence ml Toa naming th « men Whom you thick flfc to condtituta thU Convention . To write all which was said on both sides in analysing this would occupy too much space , and , I think , be unnecessary . The greatest stress was laid upon this . Mr . O'Brien ' s recommendation will be sufficient . It was said you thought no less of your own . 1 % was considered despotic—limiting the Suffrage considerably more than at present—allowing the Executive / n a public meeting in Manchester , to hare exclusive power of electing ten from the number nominated by the country . There were some who declared if it was so , they could name eight , if not the whole of the ten , among the number mamed by you , who would be chosen as competent persons . It waa argued that every district or locality was best able to judge of the fitness of men to hold such office . You have , I dare say , seen the resolution in the Star respecting this .
The next objection was the time yon had appointed they should meet—Easter Monday , when Parliament is not met . Several thought they would have been producing more good by visiting the Members ot Parliament , and getting them , if possible , to support the prayer of the petition , thorn they would do with agitating Lond « n . We were given to understand that the Lradonen would take little or no notice of the harangues of country people . They were unanimously of opinion that some good might be attained by a Convention meeting in London for a fortnight , but no more , to receive petitions , amd see that they were presented , as it would create a spirit of inquiry , and cause seme agitation in the country . I remain , your ' s , fcc , Henri bubnett , Sec 13 , Reform-street , Bradford .
P . 8 . —1 hare had at my house to-day the mother of John Riding , a Chartist , in Wakefleld House of Correction . She says he is nearly dead ; his head and neck are much swollen , and filled with sores that are csntinnally running ; he is so deaf that he can hear nothing , and appears almost insensible . The poor woman is i > a very distressed condition ; he is her only son , and was a healthy young man previous to being imprisoned .
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... THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 3, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct543/page/7/
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