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HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Erida ? , Jote 16 . In the House of CsnrmonB , some conversation arose -jpectiDg lie Stade Duties , and the present state of rttt iegotiaSons "with Hanover respecting Stem . The jBbrtanee of the repliss of Sir Eobert Peel and Mr . gjjfljtonetoguEstioBS askeabj lord Palmerstoa , Dz . 2 ovtmS > ^ d ^ ^^ ^ * . ^ wasj * hat -Batten still jenialned indefinite . and unsettled , thongh the Bntash QoTtmment Tronld prob&by soon be induced to m » t . jp ^ tsxnind on the subject . % bs : Pnncess An $ uslp »" s Annnl ^ r Bill-was proposed £ fl >»» ecoDa reading , on-which Lara BoTracK suggested tl » propriety or making terse provision Joe the family of Ma late Boyal j -j ^ inesr the Dnke of Sussex . He did net expect jbj present anawsr to his propodfion , and none -was riren . tHr . Hche then said that lie-should tatea division m fiieseeond leaditg of the BilL
A dirodon accordingly took place , when there appeared For the second reading ............. 141 jLjainstlt , ~ .. ^ . 37 Majority 104 IRISH . ABMS BILL . The adjourned debate on the fTn « h Arms BIB -was jenmed By air . SHiE 3 iA 5 Gba-wpobk , -who traced the discontent of the tenanby to their treabnent by the jjjjjjloras , and pressed on the Goverment the importjnctof ^ mflertaiing some remedy for their wrongsand ^ of ^ nn ^ &i Hi . Iepbot defended the Irish landlord ^ and expressed his regret thai they should be made the subject of constant attack .
5 It Bj&isg Waix -was satisfied that if the Qo-TEmment -would announce its intention of governing Ireland on conciliatory tnstead of coerdTe meajnreg , it -would < k > more to repress agitation than jnjtanig they < onld attempt Ha higher disapproved . of the present bill , which was inopportune and !> > Tndidoni Hr . Phiup HOTfiXD , viewing tlie bin as nn -con . jjitntJonal , conld aiot support it He hoped it Vonld be referred to a select committee , in order to be rejnodelled .
Ms . T- Stuart remarked npon the fact , ^ hat the Catholic majority of Ireland had been long governed by Hie ProtesJsrit minority . A ¦ waat of coi jfidence "was the natural result of this state of things . Bat though is disapproved of any thing which "Would hare the tendency of pladng Ireland -under Tn » TKni law , he -would support the Arms BO 1 in its present stage , ' because he felt that it : wbb required , 'inerely -reserving to tiimself-thB Tight of supporting all amendments in committee "which would remove or mitigate its objecffi * n ^^] f » Ttmy
nvmnm-3 fe . KKDiHGT 05 oanndered flm present state of Irsland to be due to the policy of Qib present Goremjnent If lavs "were passed for the benefit of landlords , they should also do something towards teaching the landlord * -whit -were their dnties . The present Bill semed unconstitutional enactments , sot justified by any of the previous Bills of more recent date . The Irish members were ungenerously taunted with having assented to preceding Arms Bills ; but their successful effort * against coercive measures -were forgotten , as -veil as the fact Oat , Tinder the administration of a "fnmninj JSxacnSvB . they had been compelled , by tlie oppemtkm of Sir Robert Peel and bis supporters , to adopt measures -which they-would otherwise bare ledsted .
2 Sz . JSscori beliflTed that the real cause of the present state of Ireland , as compared -with -what it vu under the Whig * , arose from the fact that the present Government did sot choose to place the patronage of that -country at the disposal of Hr . OtJonnelL Mr . Sergeant Httrfht contended that the discontent of the Irish people arose from a conviction of real and tnhrtnnrtal wrongs . Coupled with the fact of the dismissal « f idagutraSes , in -whom the people had confidence the probability was , that the present bill wonld tendtoarm the Protestants , and to disarm the Catholics He would oppose any Arms Bill , whether proposed by
Whig or Tory : and he could not conceiie that this was » time for such a measure , when it had been incontestably proved that crime in Ireland was steadily de-£ re&smf . It . gave a power to the Magistracy which could hardly escape abase ; in illustration of which he told a remarkable instance , in which the mother of a family , in the absence of her husband , had been transported , on the charge of concealing arms—a fact which drove her hnsband to the " wild justice of revenge , " by which his own life and that of the committing Magistrate were sacrificed . Thn only mode of ¦ abating the Bepeal agitation was to wipe away all invidious laws from the statute-book , and place Englishmen and Irishmen on a footing of perfect equality .
Colonel Coxoxu looted upon the ^ Repeal agitation as involving a crusade against property . It seemed to bim that the circumstances of Ireland imperatively called for such a BUI as the present Mt-Ttjite conceded the point that an Arms BiQ was required for Ireland , iot aid not think : that it shonld contain so many penal provisions as the present onB . He deprecated ths exaggerated statements respecting the nnmbers attending Bepeal meetings in Ireland , Trhich were calculated to excite unnecessary alarm *; frem bis own knowledge , he knew that the Hullingar meeting , -which was said to bave been attended by nearly 200 , 000 individuals , could sot bave comprised more than 12 , 000 . Penal measures ought t © be preceded by conciliatory ones ; and these he would support , come from what Government they might
Sir Bobekt P . SSL advEited to the story told by Mr . Sergeant Murphy , which occurred twenty-eight years ago , when he "was Chief Secretary -of Ireland . A magistrate , who had taken an active part in bringing individuals to justice In a ease of gross outrage , ' was murdered ly a conspiracy formed . agalnBt Mm j a reward of five thousand pounds was offered for the discovery of the murderers ; the individual who . bad organised the conspiracy becamB the informer , and he { Sir Robert Tee !) bad himself paid two thousand pounds to the betrayer of those whom be bad sednced into the crime , and had been threatened by him with an action of damages lor not having paid the remainder . Cases like this rather strengthened the arguments in . favour of the Bin , -which was not intended for any political object , but to secure the rights and safety of the people .
Mr . BoEBrcE . overlooked the fact that the present bm was a renewal of previous enactments . The law -was temporary , and on each re-enactment it was expedient that a c ?* p iftwimM be made out for the measure . The state of Ireland did not at present justify any extraordinary measure ; and the bill was simply pernitaous . Under it -a Hiaa might get * " * arms branded with ftw -nuT ^ ft of an un su e ctin neighbour , and iav-Ing committed murder , contrive that the blame should fall on the innocent individual . The whole country was one vast garrison ; the people felt that they were oppressed , not only by distinctions , but by measures ' which were an insult as well as an injury . The Church *» as the cancerous sore , the great abomination , of Ireland j and thongh , doubtless , they were excited by demagogues who converted pnblie ; wrong into private advantage , the causes of their discontents -were real and
substantial Beverse the case ; place the Orangeman JmrleT tte Koaon Catholic priestltootl , and compel liiiQ la support the gorgeens Chnrch of Some , from -which be derived no advantage , and we shonld speed 3 y bear an outay from the Conollys , converted into O'Connells . Sir Bobert Peel had been dxasged into a blunder , in commencing a war with magistrates for attending meetings to discuss a subject which they had aB much right to entertain as the House to argue the question now before them . Here he was , on the floor of the House of Commons , declaring , in language not to be mistaken , that be wished the downfal of the Church of- Ireland : was tkat a suSdent cause for depriving him of any honour -which he possessed , -or to interfere with bis Tights ? Loosing to the circumstances of the country , on the verge of a convulsion , he believed that the mostmischievous measure which could be passed was tha Irish Anns B 2 L
Fit JiatEs Grahah contrasted the topics nreed with the motion on which they were advanced . J ^ ot only in Ireland , with all the accompaniments of iriBTrial preparation , but in the House , the destruction of the Church of Ireland was insisted on , es a condition of peace ; from whence he drew an argument as tothe expediency and necessay of the bill , in order to the due maintenanca of law and order . Addressing Mgjfclfto the statistics of V j . Tigot , in his speech of « S 5 jreT 3 Dns evening , be adduced figures to sbow that relatively to the population , crime was much more ¦ bundant in Ireland than in England ; and adverting to the large measures of concession or conciliation which hare been passed since the Act of Emancipation ,
^ edared that the great questions incidentally raised as to the Protestant < 5 "nrh , fixity of tenure , and so forth . Were far too important to be discussed casually on a motion like the present . He , and other advocates of Catholic Emancipation , had supported it , on the nnderstanding tfmt the Established Church was thereby rendered more secure . Yet seethe position at which " we bad now arrived , when , aft « f -conciliation in Irelandhad been earned to its utmost extent , it was said that nothing but the overthrow of the Protestant Church and " frrity of tenure" -would satisfy the demands of the Boman Catholics . Confining himself to thebOl before the House , aad looking to the existing » tate « r Ireland , he anticipated that it would be car-* kd"by an ovsnrhelxamg m » jofity .
Lord John Bfcsssu . could cot refuse to the present Gwernment powers Trhich Jie himself , as a member of 2 » late Government , had felt to be necessary . But lie s » w no reason for -giving' new and extraordinary Powers , such as were asked by the present 3 ilL Ttie * peeel al Sir James Griham conveyed the impression that be considered the Boman Cstholies were noi svffi-*>« nUy gzateful for the concessions whichhad been made to them . Hb&i xb opinion , coming from a Cabinet ^ Enister , woold mate & deep impression . Tie Whig Governments of 1806 and 1835 , in renewing the Aims ^ 21 s , had accompanied them wiih prepositions for the ^ fTOvement and welfare of Ireland : and th « latej & 3 temmEnt had laboured to bestow on that country let j **»» munictpal IrancriBeas that of Engiaad . as wtil j is other benificial enactments but they were rcsistfca , ' J ^ sufieryear , nnnl ttey vets giad to secure for ike j
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Mahpeople " » h » t ttey had done . Pixity of tennre was « 7 Bry eapava ^ phrase , and calcnlatedtoexcltethe ^ -L ^ ; fB ? lacu ) O * « Pee * t *»» i still tte subject wasfnejt forxonsideraHon . Engjand and Scoaand had each a Cfcnrch . establiahment for the majority a ? a * k respective pepnlaUons ; and if theyVere to SS ?^ . ^ Balt « ' ^^ Bomim Catholic < Paureb »« nia be « tablisned in Ireland . Had hls lappr prlation mtasnre been adopted , lie beUeved ^ 4 onld iave been beneficial ; as it was , their c ^ nrse was wop « ^ ffifflooBta He wouj / raise the Ustebbibment ^ butTiobody could » lnr , « iat thoDresent condition of the ecclesiastical establishment of reland
I rested on a permanent basis . i , oni Eliot had r efused p ersonal compliments , at t ' Je expense of the Government with which he was 'xmnected . In that ^ i £ T" ^ Sff " * to aj > ija ! t the Government was wholly unfitted to manage . Ireland in the difficult circumstances in which it found itself placed The ^ overnment might vaunr , && it j ^ ^^ ^ jority in the House , but in fl ^ g m & ont imitatedihe bad example « f Mr . O'Co- jneU , when he turned the people against the Sr ^ xon . " He hoped that the Govo ^ enVinstead of imitating the spirit of either *• " * High Chan ' jeBor or the Home Secretary , -would think better of their high duties , and preserve to the Crown tbs affection of the loyal Irish people . *
Lord Staseey ^ barged Lord John BusseH with the guilt of throwjr ^ xhe , great weight of bis character into the critical , circumstances of Ireland , and thereby raflgmmg an ' . xeitable people to madness , for the mere saie of gratifying his spirit of opposition against the Government If the people of Ireland had not Juther ^ o been treated on a footing of equality , LoTd John BuF jseQ mnst fceaj aj ,, ^^ of ^ Kgponjibility and tke -b lanis , tedng that when the Reform Bill was PMMn ^ , he bad joined in resisting all attempts to ^ ter ^ the franchise . His own celebrated Franchise B » U a " which was the stalking horse of the Tory party ¦ w jen in opposition , he protested was not brought for-T . 'sid in a party spirit ; and nothing more surprised him than to find it converted into an engine of party contention . Lord John Bnssell found fault with the
Church in Ireland , but was not prepared to bring forward a motion on ifc though Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck avowed that they were ready to do so . He wished that the motion -were made , in order to Bee bow they stood upon that subject The wealth and the property of the United Kingdom were in favour of the present Government ; and in the midst of much of invecti vo , so accusation had been preferred by Lord John Russell which rested on any very intelligible grounds ; and he trusted that the House would go into committee on the Arms Bill , in order to give a due consideration to its provisions .
i « r . Mobjs O"Fzbkall affirmed that the Irish Gatholics had acquiesced in the accessisn of the present Government to power ; if they had not felt it their duty to support it , they at least bad not given it any factions opposition- Snt tile sentiments of Sir James { jiiah&m , In Ms speech of that evening , were not deserved by the Irish Catholics , and were calculated to create great excitement in Ireland . It was not Catholics who , in the course of the debate , had recommended the abrogation of the Established Church . ' Sir Cbables 2 ? apieb moved the adjournment of the debate , on which a division was called for ; when there appeared—For the adjournment 67 Against it ... . „ 235 Majority ... _ . 168 Captain Bkrb . ei . it then explained Iub reasons for his vote .
Mr . Gibbo&ss next moved the adjournment of the debate . Mr . M . J . O'Coxssli ., whe had been alluded to by Lord Stanley , said it was unfair to place- him in the position of either eulogist or apologist of Mr . O'Connell ; but whatever mlgat be considered the violence of bis distinguished relative ' s expressions , they could not do more . mischief than the expressions which bad been used by Sir James G&ahjlh that evening . Mb Philip Ho-wabd also repelled the insinuations conveyed in Sir J . Graham's speech . Sir H . W . Bxrbon also termed Sir James Graham ' s language " insulting" to bis country and bis Catholis fellow-countrymen . ¦ Sir- James Graham asked for a specification of the expressions which were alleged against him as insulting , r
Hr . P . Howaed said that Sir James Graham had insinuated that the Catholic nobility and gentry had violated their oaths . Sir H . W . BaHROS , Mr . Wtse , and Lord Clements confirmed this as their impression of the meaning of tbe language employed . Sir James Graham disclaimed all intention of conveying any such impression . Mr . Rebikgtoh s&ld that the calm tone and quiet manner of Sir James Graham had in some measure removed the indignant feeling which he had originally felt The OCohOS Don also accepted the explanation . The debate was then adjourned .
Mojtdat , June 19 . ; Sir Bobert Peel in reply to Mr . Hindley , expressed his strong sympathy with the Regent of Spain , -who , in the midst of many difficulties , had acted np to the responsibilities of bis high station ; and should he be driven from powei , he -would still have the consolation of knowing that he had mainly contributed to lay the foundations of constitutional Government . ' in Spain . Mt . Ferrxsd moved for returns of the names ; of persons who have been appointed governors of the Skipton "Union Workhouse during tbe last two years , with the reasons why they resigned , or were dismissed from the office ; also a copy ef all communications addressed to , or received from tbe Poor law Commissioners by the Board of Guardians , relating to any charges brought against Mr . C Mottram , master of the said Union Workhouse , with the proceedings of the
board thereon ; of the namer and ages of all inmates of the said Union Workhouse ( as well as of the names of their parents ) who are now , or who have been employed in any factory since the 1 st day of January last , with the number of hours per day they have been compelled to work , as well as of the amount of their wages , and of the names of the persons to whom the same have been paid ; and stating whether the owner of the . factory is a member of the said Board of Guardians , ' and whether the employment of the said inmates was sanctioned by tbe Board of Guardians , by the Poor Law Commissioners , or by any Assistant Poor Law Commissioner . Also , a copy of all contracts for food , clothing , coals and timber , which have been entered into by the said Board of Guardians , since tbe formation of the Union , with any member , or with any one in partnership with any number of the said board . Ordered .
HOW TO " MANAGE" PETITIONS . In reply to Mr Hindley , Sir J . LMES GfiAHAJJ said that the Government intended to proceed with the Factories * Bill , thongh the omission of tbe edncalional clauses would render some alteration of the details necessary . " Accordingly , a motion was made by Sir James Graham , that the House should go into committee , in order to introduce the necessary details ; but ; Mr . Chkistophee said he had to call the attention of tbe Honse to a subject involving a gross breach of the privileges of tile House , and a grea . abuBe of the tight of pentioniDg , which would , be thought , be deemed sufficient to justify tbe motion -with -which he meant to « me } n < 3 e . It would be TecollfcCtBd that on the Sib of
May last the Hon . Member for Preston had presented -what purported to be a petition from the inhabitants ol Hep worth , a purely agricultural parish in Lincolnshire , containing a prayer to the effect , that " although the petitioners were inhabitants of an agricultural district , they felt the com and provision laws to be greatly injurious ; and , believin £ thfim to be the cause of the existing distress , they prayed that they might be repealed , as arbitrarily and oppressively interfering with tae , wise and beneficient designs of Providence , and tending to deprive the people of their daily bread . " Now , whether from publication in the papers , or from some other notice , tilt inhabitants of Hepworth became acquainted with the fact of such a pretended petition j having been presented , and a public meeting ; was
held , at which a counter petition was | prepared , to the efiect that the former one " had been a forgery , and that the owners and occupiers of the parish wished for an inquiry into the circumstances attending the perpetration of tbe fraud , which had now become too common , and by which the opinions of constituencies were too often thns misrepresented . " At first he declined to present such petition , and , requesting further evidence , the vestry-clerk of the parish ( with which he had been in connexion for upwards o thirty years ) had sent np a " declaration" tin plwe of an affiidavit ) made before a magistrate ., upon examination of an authenticated copy of the . signatures to the petition , of -which declaration the following was the substance- —" That out of all the 213 names attached
to the pttition , it had been found that only Jthree persons had signed knowing its prayer ; and ten more had signed because they were informed it prayed for cheap tea and sugar ; one of the three also was now a prisoner in the Honse of Correction—| bear ; l-and seventy or eighty were the names of parties not known in the parish at all ; while the residue of ihe names were positively forged . " Under such circumstances , nothing remained to be said ; and as ie found that in 1827 , on a similar event occurring , with respectjto an Athlone election petition , the subject was referred to a select committee , on the report of which subsequently the partita to tbe fraud bad been apprehended and imprisoned by order of the bouse , be should now propose -that tbe same course be adopted , and moved that the petitions be accordingly referred—( bear ) . j
Sir G . SlKlCKLAKD said , on receiving notice p i the circumata cesJte had of course made inqniries , and bad found that be had net received the petition from the London Anti-Corn Law Association , bntfrom a similar association at Doncaster—{ Ironical cries of " jHear , hear ~) He had written to some of the parties Whose names were to the petition , and their replies confirmed the statements of tbe Hon . Gentleman— ( hear , hearj . He had also received a letter from the secretary to the AutJ-Corn Law Association at Doncaster , which stated in snbstauce " that the psr * on who had taken the petition to Bepworib bad been recommended to them as a reapteUMfc party—iironjcal erits of hear ;)—and that he sluoU * cenied the fraud— ( hear )—adding , that most of tfceMmes tie had obtained were given under apiomise
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tbat ho would not disclose them for that they were fearful of the fact being discovered —( hear ) . Nor was this confined to Hepworth ; . for it had , been found that agri * Guitarists generally had been afraid to sign such petitions— : Ifcear )—so abject was the bondage in which they were held—( ironical cries of hear i hear , and oh , ' oh 1 ) The secretary said , further , that ; he did not know what motives could have induced the person they employed to commit such a fraud—( ironical cheers )—and that they had carefully cautioned him agaizut obtaining other than bonajtde signatures—( continued ironical cheers )—nor could they imagine bow he could have found time in one day to forge 119 signatures—( a laugh , and hear . The anti Corn Law League could have no wish to screen such persons—{ hear , hear ;)—but it was proper to put the saddle on the right horse- —( loud cries of hear , hear ) —and thinking that a committee might have the effect of discovering some facts important in the case , be shonld support the motion —( hear , hear ) . : The motion was accordingly ' carried .
THE KING OF HANOVER . ¦ Mr . Blewitt TOBe according to notice , to put a question of tbe deepest importance to her Majesty ' s Attoraey-Creceral It respected the extraordinary position occyf > ied by the King of Hanover , who , while by birth owing allegiance to the British Crown , and moreover a peer of Parliament and a Field-Marshal , also exercised tbe rights of sa independent , if not arbitrary , monarch abroad . It did not appear possible how his Majesty could exercise properly rights so utterly at variance . As a peer of the British Parliament he claimed the right of sitting in the House of Lords , and of intruding on the councils of the Executive , — ( laughter , ) while , as a Marshal in tbe British army , he might claim the privilege of leading the troops of this
country —( laughter )—even when at war with it { Loud laughter . ) Hon . Gentlemen mi ^ ht laugh —( hear)—but the very absurdity of the thing was bis chief complaint That admirable constitutional lawyer , Black-Btone , in his CotnmeniarieS r laid it down that by changing hiB country a British subject would not [ change his allegiance ; and again , that the peers of | Parliament were tbe hereditary councillors of the [ Crown , and as such had a right to advise it on all rmattera important w the public welfara So anomalous was tbe King ' s pssition , that it had been said that the Duke of Wellington had declined his Majesty ' s proxy when offered . ; In conclusion , the Hon . Gentleman said he hoped the Learned Gentleman would not forget his oath of office , —( laughter , )—and not answer , or decline to answer , from " fear , favour , or affection "— ( Laughter ) . The Hon . Member then referred to his question / which stood thus upon the
votes : — " On the motion for reading the order of the day , to ask a question of : Her Majesty ' s Attorney . General whether , in his opinion , it is consistent with the constitution and the conflicting duties of His Hanoverian Majesty , as King of Hanover and Duke of Cumberland , that his said Majesty should take bis seat in the House of Lords and exercise his right as a peer of the realm and councillor of the Queen . In case the Attorney-General should decline to answer that question , to move aB an amendment to tbe motion for reading the order of the day , that an bumble address be presented to Her Majesty , praying that Her Majesty will be graciously pleased to revoke any license which Her Majesty may have granted to enable HiB Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland to vote by proxy in the House of Lords ; and that Her Majesty will further be graciously pleased not to renew such license while his Royal Highness shall remain King of Hanover . "
The Attorney General said , he had every desire to discharge the duties of his office properly ; but he thought , sincerely , that on tbe present occasion be should best discharge his duty by declining to answer tae question—( cries of "Hear , hear" ) . Mr . Blewitt intimated , that owing to a private suggestion from the Speaker ( on a point of order ) , he had been led to believe that be could not proceed with the remaining part of his notice .
THE FACTORY BILL . Sir J . Geaham , in answer to Mr . T . Buncombe , stated that it was not the intention of tbe Government to abandon any portion of theFactory Bill except the educational clauses—( hear , hear . ) Those clauses having been abandoned , various alterations in detail became necessary He should propose , that the bill be recommitted pro format to enable him to make them ; when tbe bill would be published precisely in the form in which he should propose it again —( hear , hear . ) If it were the pleasure of the House , he should wish to take the committal as soon as possible—( bear , hear )—and as it stood on the orders for to-night , perhaps it could be taken now . " On the order for the committal of the bill being read ,
Lord Ashley said , althongb he deeply regretted the loss of the educational clauses , he , for the sake of tbe rest of tbe bill approved of the resolution the Government had come to . Even had it been possible for the Government to bave carried the measure in that House , he did not think it would bave met with that cordial sympathy and co-operation from the different classes affected by it , without which it could not have been effectually carried ont . It should be borne in mind , that the Church , with a view ; to conciliation , were ready to make the very largest concessions , larger certainly than they had ever . done before ; but concessions made in tbe hope of confillation and peace . But when they found that the terms which they proposed , so far from leading to conciliation and peace , only led te greater
disunion and almost to effectual war , they bad no alternative bnt to stop , at all events at the point to which they had already advanced . Somewhere or other , however , a very great and deep responsibility did lie—( hear , bear . ) It was not for him to point out who were tbe parties really responsible for tbe position at which they had now arrive j . He certainly must say that the . Government had shown their readiness to act He saw the church prepared to make concessions for the sake of conciliation and peace , and on the other hand he saw the great body of Dissenters rejoicing that they had been successful in their efforts to defeat the measure . Wherever the fault lay , one thing was quite clear—that the really suffering parties were the vast body of neglected children , who . as far as present appearances went .
were new consigned to &n eternity of ignorance . ( Hear ) . At tbe same time , however , that he deplored tbe result to which the measure had come , he must be allowed to express his satisfaction at the manner in which it had been received and entertained in the first instance ; and at the absence of all violence with which it had been received by the'Dissenters in that House . That reception did certainly afford some ground for hoping that hereafter something might effectually be done to arrest the further progress of vice , ignorance , and immorality in the country by means of some system of education . At present / however , it appeared that if united education were to become hereafter possible , tbe question was at present involved in the greatest difficulty , and it was one that had already produced the greatest agitation in the country . He , for one ,
therefore , was prepared to say , that unless a very Biigbty change shonld take place in the mutual temper ef both parties , be would never be a party to any system , the object of which was , by mutual conces sion , to bring antagonist parties to act together in the same general plan . ' Once more , he desired to express Ms gratitnde for tbe manner in which the proposition had been first received , and since entertained , and also to state his cordial hope and prayer that the time was not ' far distant when some means might be discovered whereby tbe men and women of this country in future generations might be put iuto that state which woui | fit them to be good subjects , and aboTe all . Christians , and extend to them the fruits of a religious education , by preparing them to share in a blessed Immortality . ( Hear , hear . )
Mr . M . Gibson could not understand how it was that the Noble Lord used the word " concession , " as regarded the eondnct of the church with respect to the education clauses of the Factory Bill—( hear , hear . ) He protested against the use of that word , " conces" Bion . "— ( hear , hear ) . On the contrary , he could tell the Noble Lord that it was because the framers of that measure had proceetied : on tke doctrine that tbeie was some recognised superiority in Churchmen—( " hear , bear , " from tbe Ministerial benches )—some sort of divine right in them—rlhear , bear )—to trample on the religious liberty of the Dissenters —( " No , no "); and to take the suoney of the Dissenters to teach tbe tenets of the Church of England—( hear , hear ;)—it was because you persisted in recognising this sort of superiority
that you have failed in accomplishing the object of a general system of education . Proceed on the real principle of religious freedom ; let men not be treated with reference to their theological opinions , but simply as citizens of a free country , having tbe right to worship their God in their own way , freely according to their own conscience ; adopt this as the principle of legislation , and it would not fail . ( Hear , hear , from tbe Opposition benches . ) ; But . in fact , the Neble Lord's remark abont the concessions , as he called * them , of the church having failed , only amounted to an admission that the church had not conceded enough . Treat all sects in the spirit of justice , and never fear for the accomplishment « f the benevolent object they had in view —( hear . ) Even , however , if the Ministerial plan had been carried , it must be admitted that it was a
very partial and pitiful proposal , considering the great amount of destitution . with regard to religious education that prevailed in ! the manufacturing districts . It was admitted by all parties that the measure now abandoned would not have caused tbe education of a single child in the large city of Glasgow , and of not many more in the manufacturing districts in England than were educated now ; for it was only intended to apply to cotton , flax , silk , and woollen factories ; and it left the children in mines and collieries , and in many other employments , wholly unprovided with education . The small amount of education that would have been afforded by the measure was one reason for not so much regretting its rejection . It wasa plan that could not have effected much good , bat which was certain , on the other hand , to have done muoh harm —( hear , Bear ) .
Sir R . Inglts hoped that Ministers wonld not abandon their principle . If they had taken a more uncompromising course , . they would have had a stronger support from a large body of the well-wishers of their measure . ~ : Mr . Hijjdlet thanied the Government fer having abstained from pressing this measure , as their strength might have eEabled them to do . He denied that the Church had given up anything , and hoped that in another session tbe Churchmen would see the fitness of acting very differently . Sir G . 0 BEY considered this failure as by no
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means absolving the Ministers from the obligation of looking to the education of the people . ' He would advise them to increase the annual Parliamentary grants . j " ' ¦ -- [ - Some further conversation followed , in the course of which Sir J . Graham intimated that the Government would gladly recommend an increase of the Pkrliamentary grant , if Voluntary contributions should be raised in due proportion te It . j ; An attempt was made by Sir V . Blake to introduce a discussion respecting the precautionary measures lately applied in Ireland , upon the plea of their Involving a breach of privilege ; but tbe Speaker decided that the topic was not of such a class as to be entitled to precedence of the orders of the day . j ; The adjourned debate on the Irish Arms Bill was then resumed , > ¦
Air . Gisborne was the first who addressed himself to this exhausted subject He criticised the tone of the speech delivered by SirfJ . Graham on Friday , and contended that the question of the Irish Church wfas a topic not improperly introduced into the discussions of the preceding nights . He { disapproved the conduct of the Government in dismissing the magistrates - who had attended Repeal meetings , and in appointing Judges who , though men of high honour and character , had evinced in the House of Commons what , for want of a better word , he most ( designate as bigotry . ; A person or the anti-Protestant ( party who should be tried before them would rjeasonably feel misgivings like those of the poacher , who , being summoned before a couple of Norfolk justices f 6 r killing a cock pheasant , ' told them they might just as well try him before a jury of cock pheasants . 1
Mr . COLQjradUtt maintained that the state of Ireland required an Arms Bill . Witnesses and Jurors in that country were in danger of their lives for the evidence and the verdicts conscientiously given by them . Individuals were denounced ^ by the priests from the very altars , and thus placed in a state of frightful insecurity , for no crime but that of voting for Protestant ' candidates . He cited examples of these things from the evidence given before the Lords '* Committee on Ireland , and argued that Ireland thus differed so widely from England as reasonably to i require laws which in England wonld be inapplicable . He enlarged upon tbe
peculiarities of the Rspeal agitation , as furnishing additional reasons for this legislative precaution . : He read extracts from speeches and aonga of the : Repealers , breathing as fierce a hatred against the Whigs as against tbe Tories , and thence rebutted tbe assertion that all which was wanting for the tranquilization of Ireland was to restore the Whig Ministry . It was not true that the whole body of the Irish Roman Catholics adhered to the present movement party of Ireland ; and it was the duty of the Government to protect those peaceable subjects of : her Majesty from the terrors of an unconstitutional agitation . , '
Mr . Williams said , that Ireland wonld be quiet enough if tbe Government and Parliament of England showed a disposition ; to do her justice . Lord J . Manners referred to Mr . Roebuck's repetition of the proposal for paying the Irish priesthood—a proposal based uponja most undue belief in the powers of Mammon . That ' priesthood was not to be silenced . Indeed , it bad been well said of that plan , that there are two objections to it—first , that the priests were not willing to be bought ; and , secondly , that we were not willing to buy them . It was not historically true , that the religion of Rome was the ancient religion of Ireland ; it had been first introduced by Henry II ., and formed part of the ! very system of English conquest against which tbe . agitators were so loudly protesting . He feared that no material benefit was to be secured for Ireland , unless some improvement could be made in the physical condition of her people .
Sir H . W . Barkon , alluding to Sir J . Graham ' s enumeration of the concessions made to Ireland , contended that they were concessions made only from fear , and In the most ungracious manner . Emancipation had been forced . Reform , had been stinted . Then as to tbe Church property ; it was proved by history and by the statutes to have been destined for three purposes—religion ; education , and the relief of the poor ; but it was not now so applied—a great portion of it was spent in keeping up Protestant livings where there were no Prstestant congregations . ' There was so such preponderance in the amount of crime in Ireland over the amount of crime in England , as to justify the enactment of jthis special law against the Irish people—nay , the proportion of crime was greater in
England ; and though Sir J . Graham bad presented a contrary view , yetfwhen certain returns . should be produced which would be moved for , Sir J . Graham ' s view would be disproved . Sir H . Barron then attacked tbe bill Inj detail . The act , as renewed by the Whigs , was free ! from the objectionable clauses of this bill . He did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the present ministers ; but he would say that the whole Irish people was against them , by reason of the judges whom they bad ? appointed , and of the stipendiary magistrates whom they bad dismissed . The Bishops too had been selected from the enemies of National Education . The Cabinet itself was wholly disconnected from Ireland ; not a single member of ifctwas Irish ; and
accordingly no measure had been introduced by it for the redress of any Irish grievance . The Church was not the only grievance of Ireland : she had many Others which required the attention of Government . It had been said , that ' the wealth and intelligence of tbe country were with Ministers ; but London and the other great cities were a good criterion of these , and the majority of their representatives were adverse to tbe Government \ Nay , even the counties , which had at first been with ] the ministers , would be found against them if they ventured on a dissolution now . He admonished them [ that the Catholics were no longer a powerless race , ' but equal to the Protestants in every civil right . [
Mr . Hardy took the real qnestion to be , whether there were not in Ireland extraordinary circumstances , requiring this extraordinary remedy . . If there were , then that man was an unreasonable man who would not submit to a little ' particular inconvenience for the sake of general security . He referred to the analogy of tbe law under which the houses of people employed in the woollen manufactures of Yorkshire and Lancashire may be entered ^ for the purpose of putting them to the proef that any woollen goods found the' o have been honestly come by ; that was a law reversing the general rule of proof , auk a law not extending to the kingdom at large . Mr . Hardy proceeded , at some length , to deal with several of the general topics of Irish politics ; but the impatience of the House made it difficult to apprehend bis arguments .
Mr . E . Elltce , though he had supported the former bills on this subject , felt himself obliged to oppose this , as a part of a system of coercion , for the Government had now declared that conciliation had reached its limit The Church andrtbe tenure of land wera , he knew , very difficult subjects ; but was Government , therefore , to shrink from coping with them ? At all events there should have been some inquiry on the subject of the tenures . And as to theiCburch , it was so monstrous an evil , that he regarded Mabomet as a merciful conqueror in comparison of those who bad founded its establishment in Ireland ] He would apply its whole revenue to purposes of real utility for the Irish people . The Government of Lord Grey had the will and the power to deal beneficially with Ireland , and was in a course of such dealing—and whobad interrupted it ? Those who seceded from that Government—Lord Stanley and Sir J . Graham . They who told us there Was to be no more conciliation were the real causes of the excitement in
which Mr . O'Connell was so active . He would not conclude without expressing his conviction that tbe downfal of this empire -would date from tbe day which should sever the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland ; bnt he could not , therefore , consent to concur in a system of coercion ; Mr . M 1 lnesj said that the great error of this and of all former Governments hod been that thtay had neglected the feelings of the Irish Catholics , who were a people essentially religious . He must own , indeed , that he could not see what real grievance that people now sustained -certainly they would gain nothing from tithe abolition / which , since tithe had been commuted into rent-ca : irge , would be a mere transfer from the clergyman to the landlord ; but history showed that even imaginary ' grievances bad important consequences , and ought not to be disregarded . He thought this measure necessary ; and trusted that Ministers would continue to fulfil their pledge of impartial government . ¦
Sir C Napfer made a somewhat angry attack on Lord Stanley , ! inflating particularly ,- and amid much laughter , upon the necessity of good temper in debate . He censured the conduct of Government with respect to Ireland , and bestowed an equal reprobation upon Mr . O'Connell . For his own part , he did not wish to See the Irish Church destroyed ; but he wished to see it reduced to the real wants of the country ; not , however , with any view ? of suffering the rent charge to sink into the income of the landlords . Mr . Sackville Lane Fox entered into the question of the Irish Church in reference to the Reman Catholic Relief ; Bill , wbicb be regarded as a very injurious measure ; and he quoted aiasy texts of Scripture as authorities for his opinions .
Mr . M . J . O'Connell commented on Sir J . Graham ' s speech ;; which , however , as well as the other speeches on the subject of agitation in general , appeared to him ; irrelevant in a debate upon an Arms Bill , He then examined , and found fault with , some of the details of the bill . ; Mr . Muntz justified agitation in general , having him * self , at the time of the Reform Bill , ; been an extensive agitator . He | and bis coadjutors had then been enconrsged by Sir J . Graham , and no harm bad come of It , and no harni ha * been meant by it Why then it was fit to leave the ; same latitude to thejrlah . Still , however , if the great question of the stomach were right , he believed Mr . O'Oonnell ' a agitation would be all in vain . He wished the Government would resort to conciliation instead of coercion . - The House ' then divided on tbe motion that the bill should be referred to a select committee . For the motion ... ... 122 Against it ... , 276 Majority for the bill ... 145
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The Empire and the Suuth America steamers , says a . N ^ w York paper , in tln : ir ascending trip on the 23 rd , ran , one hundred miks in fonr hours and ahalf . The question is yet uadecided which boat has the greatest epeed .
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A few weeks since , in an ancient chest bought at an auction in Ipswich , was found , in a hidden partition , a deed of the age of Elizabeth , conneoted with , apparently , a large estate in Kent , and some old coins . The chest had bepu in possession of the family from whom it had heed purchased at the sals as far as memory reaches , without knowledge of its hidden contents . On Tuesday a desperate ea ^ e of suicide occurred in the Infantry barracks . A private soldier named Marshall , who was acting as servant to on * of the
officers , pat a period to his existence in a very cool and extraordinary manner . He had tak ^ n i > ff his shoes and stockings and laid himself down on his back ; he thea put the muzzle of his mnsket into hig mouth , and pulled the trigger with his too . It is supposed the gun was charged with more than one ball-cartridge , * as a window in the room wa . s shattered by the concussion . It is needless to say that the poor man died instantly . No cause can bo assigned for this dreadful act . A very shjrfc time previous to it 3 oomniis ^ ion be seemed in his usual good spirits . —Glasgow Chronicle ,
3eo«Pmal Parliament.
3 Eo « pmal parliament .
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HARMONY HALL . LETTER XV . < TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . In my last letter I stated my intention of reverting at length to some points of Mr . Owen ' s preliminary Charter , and showing their relative Importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the pablio mind ; but previous to doing this , f think it desirable to inquire what are really the chief wants of man . j that question , calmly and seriously pat by any reflecting mind , may be easily answered , and will show what are , in reality , the most valuable kinds of wealth . I We shall find the chief requisites are air , water , food , clothes , shelter , instruction , amusement , the affections of those with whom we associate , and good society ; and if these could at all times be procured in abundance , then would men bave ail the materials that could be desired to insure their health and happiness .
If we proceed to inquire , in the next place , whether the means exist to supply man with all the kinds of wealth thus shown to be jrequisito for his health and happiness ? we shall find that they do exist most abundantly , with one single exception . The means required besides air ( which all can obtain of some description or other , without purchase , ) are land , water , labour , skill , and capital . Th « se exist in great superfluity , not only for the supply of the present population of tbje world , but also for its unrestrained increase for many ages . All that
is required is the knowledge how to apply the materials to procure these results , and maintain them through succeeding ages . If we furVber ask the question—how is it that these results have not been attained , and the well-being and happiness of the human race bave not hitherto been secured ? there can be but one reply , namely , that j we have hitherto been too ignorant to understand our own interests , and to be so united an to apply the abundant means around us in a manner that shall secure our happiness , j
To produce at all times the greatest amount of the most valuable wealth in the shortest time , and with the greatast pleasure and benefit to ] the producers and consumers , it is necessary that upon a certain proportion of land there should be united labour , skill , capital and population ; and that these materials should be combined and directed by those who understand the three great principles , or fundamental truths on which I have proposed to base the society to be formed , namely , that man does not form his own character , but that it is formed of his « rigfnal organization ! and of the
circumstances that surround him in every jperiod of his existence ; that he has not the power to believe or disbelieve except in accordance with the impressions that are made upon his mind ; and that he baa not the power to love or hate except in accordance with the feelings created within him by any object Such persons would alone be enabled to unite in their due proportions the materials for the production of wealth . Let us look at the present state of society , as it regards the whole business of life !; and what can be conceived more absurd or irrational than is there
presented to our view ? j With land sufficient , if even moderately cultivated , to supply one hundred millions of j people , we kave in this kingdom , with a population of about thirty millions , the greatest outcry made to allow ub to import corn from other countries , under the supposition that if this be not done we must starve t whilst our own fields present a mean , beggarly , and pitiful appearance , solely because we do not apply-to them that healthy exercise and skill which is capable beyond all other things of giving pleasure and enjoyment , both physical , mental , and morol , to all who can take part in the performance of the labour . j
With millionB of our people unemployed , or ill cm . ployed , we keep them in idleness , daily and hourly contracting vicious , degrading , and disgusting habits , destructive of all their powers of body and mind , and rendering them the scourge and dread of those who consider themselves their superiors ; ^ whilst these superiors might , by rightly training and exercising theirftwn faculties , and directing those of the parties who are now thus unfortunately placed , receive advantages of a far higher nature tnan any that have hitherto been placed within their reach . J With plenty of well skilled and highly talented individuals in every department of science , who are unable
to obtain beneficial exercise for their skill ; and those who are employed being chit fly or solely so , in minor , trifling , petty matters , such as are utterly unworthy of the present age , we Buffer most ! grievously from the want of important measures being carried out ; measures that Would provide in tbe most liberal manner for the food , clothes , shelter , instruction , and rational amusement for every individual , and thereby prepare him to form a part of that good society which } will tend above all things to gratify the feelings and desires of all , and lead them forward with increased vigour to the pursuit of more extended and enlarged happiness .
With a machine-power twenty-fold larger than our population , and capable of extension in any proportion that may be required , we suffer pur people to be naked or ill-clothed ; we still permit man to perform heavy , laborious toil and exertion , more severe than that to which tbe inferior criminals are doomed ; and we daily and hourly depress the means of [ procuring the common necessaries of life , until , if we proceed much longer at the same pace , we shall be overwhelmed by such an amount of vice , crime , and misery , as the mind of man has not hitherto cenceived . !
With capital so abundant that it can procure scarcely any remuneration for its employment ; with between eleven and twelve millions of specie lying idle in the Bank of England ; and with a restriction of the circulating medium utterly incapable of representing the amount of wealth that is created , we allow land , labour , skill , and machinery all to stand separate , disunited , and unproductive , thereby entailing an amount of misery upon our children and our country , which , when we shaUhave acquired the knowledge I speak of , it will appear to us almost an impossibility that we should ever have allowed to exist whilst the means of preventing it lay so immediately within our reach .
I am glad to see by the letter of your correspondent "Gracchus , " inserted in this f day ' s paper , that our Chartist friends are likely to become fairly roused to the importance of a National Society . Let us proceed fairly sod promptly with this subject ; and we may speedily acquire a strength capable of demonstrating to our rulers the « asa with which every requisite for human happiness , may speedily be placed within the reaoh of alL | We need not longer to quarrel and contend about who shall possess this er that ! power . The power of doing good , of providing well for ourselves , our families , and every individual ( of our species , is now within our reach , and let us lose np opportunity of embracing it Let that spirit of unity which can
alone lead to successful results be seen among hs . Let us find out the persons thBt ar ^ most advanced in the sciences of human nature and of society , that they may direct our united energies in the best manner for the benefit of alt Let uo bring into use all the appliances which thejngenuity and invention of man has brought so Iiberalljpto our aid , and we jshall soon be enabled to produce such a change in the appearance of society as shall astonish and delight all who behold it . The crisis which is now rapidly progressing , as is most evident in every department of society , requires that we act most promptly on some well defined
principles , capable of universal application , that they shall immediately be embraced by alL Let any rational man look at the feelings now ) being called ont by the agitation of the various remedies Sat are proposed , and then say whether he can expect love , peace , truth , or charity , to emanate from such sources . If we look at the Repeal question , the debate now going forward is likely to excite and irritate to such an extent that until true principles shall be placed before them , must of necessity goad ( the different parties onwards to such measures as shall , if carried far e ough , produce consequences at which ! the human mind shudders to contemplate . 1
The education clauses of ths Factory Bill have been obliged to be given up , on account of their want of universality ; the parties on j both sides wishing to coerce the mind to believe certain matters , without waiting for evidence being jbrought to ensure conviction . The repeal of the Corn Laws is sought for on the most partial and imperfeel grounds , and in a spirit calculated to arouse the moat angry feelings , and to injure the personal interests of | our fellowmen ; instead of being placed on the legitimate basis of our having free trade in all things with all the world .
The advocacy of the People ' s Charter has hitherto been conducted in a spirit the reverse of what I hope soon to see manifesed . The numbers of its advocates , and of the Repealers in Ireland , are quite sufficient , as soon as the spirit of unityj shall be well developed in both , aud they shall proclaim themselves the advocates of universal measures beneficial to every individual , to produce a public opinion that shall urge upon the Government the necessity [ for a peaceful change , in a manner that they will be unable to resist Let this public opinion be once Becured . and the
whole of the practical steps necessary to produce an immediate change , as it werejby magic , are ready to be developed . Contention and j strife , persecution and anger , may be immediately and for ever banished from among men ; and every one may enjoy all that is truly essential for his well-being ] physically , mentally , or morally . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Oalpin . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 17 . 1843 .
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THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS FOUNDATION , PEIVCIPLE . TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brothers , —Mr . Galpin hath readily , and I may add , generously , ( seeing Shat it is not usual with disputants to make admissions in favour of their opponents , ) admitted , that under exciting circumstancea bis propgsition will be open to all the objections which i make in the . election of the central or local presidents ; and relies upon the impression that his three fundamental truths are capable of making upon every individual mind for speedy success . ( See letter thirteen , paragraph nine . ) In the latter part of the fourth paragraph he says , ' My dependence' is not upon any person who may be selected to preside over the society , but on the truth of the principles 06 which it is to be based , and on the daily , increasing knowledge that will be gained of the science of human nature and of society . "
I must here remind you , Brothers , that the oBJec * tion referred to above , whereunto the foregoing is a set off . amounted to this ; that if , as Mr . G set forth , the people Were incapable of electing a council for the society , they were equally incapable of electing a president for the society . This position I conceive to be unalterable by any circumstances . It is self-evident that , if tbe first objection is valid , the second , of necessity , must be equally valid ; and , following the same comprehensive and easy mode of reasoning , if the impression of the truths whereof he writes , and tbe increasing knowledge of the sciences of human nature and society , are capable of rendering the people fit to elect the first presidents and all the local presidents , thpy will surely make them fit to elect the
central council , and the local councils to act with , and counsel , the said presidents . For what do we need a council ? Is it to serve us or the president ? If it is to serve the body , how absurd to give tbe president power to choose them , and dismiss them at his plea * sure ! When we appoint a council , is it not under the impression that their collective wisdom will be better than the wisdom of one man ? Are they not appointed to take counsel together and decide on that course they deem best to perform the work we require to be done ? If there was any one member of a council that had all the knowledge and ability that is requisite to do the work himself , even then the propriety of your giving him the power to rto as he liked would be questionable ; and if a president is
allowed to appoint ) his councillors and dismiss tberuat will , it is virtually giviug him the power to act as he pleases , without having any guarantee that he posseeses sufficient ability and integrity , Again , if the Presisident is to be thought so superior to the council as only to listen to their opinions and act with or without them , what need of going to the expense of supporting a council for him ? because lie could collect together any of the members that lived near him and have their advice , and afterwards if be felt inclined , tell them their advice was not good . He need not approve of it , and might not act npon it ; and thns dismiss them , without insulting them with the empty name of a council . Indeed , this council without the power to act , being without a veto , reminds me of that act of the National
Assembly of France which divided the people by a sort of negative affirmative , into citizans active and inactive ; thereby disfranchising tbe great majority of the French nation , after they had declared all the male adults free and equally citizens of France . But are there not duties for a council to , perform other than merely giving their opinions , or deliberating ? Should they not take cognizance of the acts of the secretary , treasurer , Jind president ; and see that each of them do their duty te the society ? Should the ; not be watchers of the honesty of each ? checks against any Inclination of either to defraud the body or act in any way dishonourable 1 Should not they have the power to see the book , bonds , checks , and papers of every description pertaining to the association , that defalcations may be
cheeked ere they become ruinous ? In the societies , whether political or trade , to which I have belonged , such have been the duties and powers of tbe committees or councils , where there was money to * any considerable amount There were stewards on the committee ; and the cash was placed in a box with three , four , or five locks , one for each officer , so that the money should not be teken eut without the whole were present But if the council bold their office at the will of the president , bow can they perform these important duties ? I maintain that to discharge these duties fully , they must hold their office at the will of the members , and be responsible to them for the strict fulfillment thtreof . It is a question how far a good system of education and good circumstances from youth up would remove the liabilities of mankind
to errors and injustice . Bnt , be that zs it may , whilst we live in old society , and are open to the taints of her faulty institutions , we must be governed by onr experience ; and therefore guard against all those faults of our race that have occurred , and are continually occurring , and in all probability will continue to occur . Wherefore , however honest virtuous and wise we may think our fellow men , in placing them in offices of trust we must plaee sufficient guards abont them to prevent , if we can , the possibility of their doing ought dishonourable , and thereby preserve their characters unsnllied , and our persons and properties unharmed . In support of the necessity of such mutual checks , I could cite numerous instances ; some where they have saved societies from min , and others where the lack of it has produced ruin ; bnt for the present shall rest on the arguments I have adduced .
In reply to the third paragraph , I would say , that a Council without a vote cannot be democratic ; aud , in acknowledging the compliment to myself in the second paragraph , I must say I am happy to think that the spirit of my letter bath given friend Galpin such pleasure , as I would ever wish to carry on any discussion , ia which I shonld engage , in a friendly , yet firm spirit ; and having found a similar spirit pervading my brother disputant ' s letters , I have felt like pleasure in the perusal thereof . With these remarks , I move en to letter 14 . In reply to the second paragraph , if this applies to who should fill , the chief offices , L must assure Mr . G he mistakes me . I do not care who the persons are that
lead such a movement for the benefit of the people . It matters not to me whether they are sprigs of the court or the cabin . ; peers , priests , patricians , or peasants ; nor of what sect . If they will sincerely and zealously , and industriously assist in such a Work , they are of the people . I depend on the Influence of the principles of truth and justice on the minds of men to effeet that unity of purpose and unity of action , that friend Galpin seeks to produce by vested power in the presidents of the association : and I hope yet to convert my honourable disputant to that faith in his own doctrine of circumstances and education , that he shall place his whole reliance on their influences on our fellow men to produce that desired unity , and abandon his love of despotic authority .
Third—With regard to Mr . O'Connell , or any other leader giving explanation of his conduct , I think it is pretty , . evident , that it should be done whenever required by those who have a right to know , and not be led blindfolded . Indeed , O'Connell hath recently given a strong proof of the necessity of leaders , explaining the motives of their actions . ( See ills calumnious insulting refusal of Chartist aid . ) Fourth—With respect to the Chartist agitation of 1839 . I join my hope with his . But a people goaded
with wrongs , with increasing oppressions and starvation and death staring them in the face , will , however tame'their disposition , sometimes become excited . I think that we did all that laid within our power by our speeches ' , < fec ., to ahow that the change we sought was for the benefit of ail . But influence , patronige . prejudice , aud ignorance made the middle and upper classes deaf to our appeals for political rights and common justice . Poverty , however , with its fearful strides , is breaking down those barriers to their feelings ; and there appears some hope for their conversion .
Fifth—To stick a thorn in the sides of any G jvernnient , or of any individual of onr fellowmen , is no wish or purpose of Mr . Galpin's . There is a principle in that ; but it is different to the law of the woods , as Hawkeye said to David Gammut No it is not tbe law of the Wilderness ; and we live in a mental Wilderness , and shall find ourselves obliged to act accordingly . Neither is it the law of the Socialists ; for are not they a tborn in the sides of the priesthood T Aye , as surely as the Christiana were a thorn ia the sides of the Pagan priesthood ; as surely as the Protesjnnts wera a thorn in the Papal priesthood ; as sure as thu Dissenters vter * and a * e a . thorn in the sides of the Church of Ri *« 'land
priesthood : and the priesthood deal with them as an irritating thsrn in their sides ; ami if the Socialists succeed in drawing the people fromth * said priesthood , they will have served them as we did the Whigs —hring them their high places to the earth . But th a y win not find this task bo easy as was ours with tbat ruling ; faction ., Ttiey will find their work is even now scarce begun . I will not say they will ever do this ; but of one thing I feel confident , truth will ultimately prevail , be it- on whichever side it may ; and longing for the age of truth . I remain , Yours in hope , Gkaccho 8 .
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Negro Flying . —The editor of the Boston Mail ridicules Mr . Henson and h ' is aerial steam-carriage , and prediots that the first career down the inclined plane will end somewhat like Sambo's first expert ment , when he undertook to fly from a garret window with a pair of wings manufactured out of a leather apron . The honest negro siruck the ground with his head hard enough to break a sledge-hammer ; and springing to his feet with a kind of a rebound , scratched his woolty pate ,, exolaiming , " Dem ' s fuss rate flying ; no bird do him quicker ; but golly ! dey ' s dam hard lighting . ' "
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s ^^ TSE NORTHERN STAR . ^ 1 7 _
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct656/page/7/
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