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|3ri«nai Corregpontrau*
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3tmpm"al ^atltanwnt
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CftarttjSt imtWiztnte
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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|3ri«Nai Corregpontrau*
| 3 ri « nai Corregpontrau *
_ IS B ED 1 I 0 B OF IHB XJSIHKES STAB . _ 1 tis evening , as Mr . Spencer was addressing B * L Daons auditory ^ ho bare been accustomed to ** » hi » ac posIUon of the Scriptures every Sunday & Z _ at Mile End Gate , for the list two years , when-* " * £ « weather -would permit , two polieetnen came ' tofcio , * ° d demanded a sight of his license , and ^ -grr innefc cbopfallen when they were shewn the ** JLj ^ t they asked for . Policeman K 29 « aid , « diii not a license to preach Chartism , and unless * ire « h some o ^ doctrine , yon shant preach f * ijjr . Speacer replied that be tanght those things ! 2 i the Scriptures taught , that all men were equal in Sfirfit <> &od > and that aU those d 38 " ™ " * ^ hich ***^ ibited in the present state of society , in which MTtiaa were revelling in luxury on the produce
ijttff inen'a labour , while those who laboured hard aodiite them > D 6 t only » e « easarie 8 , but luxuries , ^ msbP 61 eT 8 r ? * PP * tite , ware themselves denied the * ^ fscfident even to support their natural existence 2 L their orn labour , were contrary to the Scriptures , j , eootrary to eommon sense ; that he belieTed it to be atrtT to preach that Gospel , and that he would still £ 22 to p «« h rtallrWu . i | s » , Sir , by what power are these men elevated into j t— Jrf theol ogy . ' There were two other preachers fflMSferent doctrine , and who regularly bold forth zZf Simday , but they were not asked to produce their ^ zL g , ¦ but it must be acknowledged they are not C ^ oied bj the constant attendance of four policemen . is woojh leei
Mr- Speiieer , ana ne - perasps prona or * ^ jgupnshed honour if they would merely confine "PL ^ Ttf to taking no tes of his teaching for the benefit JT ^ sns elTes and their masters , and not interrupt him , Z&tBBB s o desirous of creating a disturbance , which , Merer , tk * 7 " ^^ B 0 * ** *^ e * ° succeed in- It ought ^ tfia , to be known , that Mr . Spencer preached in t ? eTB ' parish ., within a very short distance of his en dwelling , while those who are not hunted , but ^ r pe tted by the police , come from distant parts , Z ^ gt paid preachers , while Mr . Spencer earns his \ grni by the work of his own hands . ^^ I am .
Yours respectfully , JAME 5 SaTAGE . jtUe End , Xew Town , 16 th May , 1841 .
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10 THE EDITOR OF THB SORTHEES STAB . gs , —Allow me , through the medium of theXorthern gpi to throw out the following suggestions with _ , J& to a more efficient plan for supplying the Irish Qartists with Stars , and other papers favourable to flu Qorfcst cause , to distribute among their feliowgisffjmen , namely , by the class-leaders of the Charter _ iB editJon collecting the papers from those of their g 0 who choose to give them , and transmitting them to a Committee of four or five , to be chosen for the papose in each town , who will send them to the j ^ pooJ CommJttevs . jfew , I ihink , there is hardly one Chartist who vcsld keep bis paper after he had read it , knowing the pcrpose to which it would be applied : namely , as a Pflir * towards the political regeneration of O'ConneUadBded Ireland—an event to which every real Chartat looks forward with the feelings of the greatest
BBS ? - A Chartist , And a sincere well-wisher of Ireland , C . "Westeat
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TO THB EDITOB . OF THE JfOETHKRJi STAB . Dsib Sib , —However I may feel it my duty pnb-5 cJt to acknowledge my errors , I am not prepared to jeecne the scape-f oat of every man who may choose te tike advantage of my confessions . Is a letter addressed to yourself by Mr . Hollis , of Qn Kpnli » m , published in last week's Star , that gentlesis EtakJ that , he wrote to head quarters for an expazaiion concerning- the plan of the old move . I beg fen to state in the columns of the Star , for the B&tis-Jjtticm of all parties , thai I never received any comini « Kim from Mr . Hollis on that subject , or any
otis ; and often wondered , considering the excellent kstcra that were at that time delivered in Cbeltenlam—a plice with which I am well acquainted—that &sj- iU » lecturers ) did not establish a society , and t& ij tat cards , particularly as there were associations £ TForeester , Bedditch , Gloucester , Slroud , and tsia places in that part of England . If Mr . Hollis ' a fc * letter received no attention , he might have written too , or addressed the Executive through the Star . I brcno desire to enter into recrimination , but , at the jus time , I wish it to be understood , that I am detanked to be answerable for no more than my own Biidfold ""«¦
I remain , dear Sir , Wishont dread of the charge of being servile or fulsome , Yours , fcc , "Wm . Tixlxan . MathestEr , iisy 17 , 1841 .
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THE CORN LAW QUESTION . ; * Tou take my house when you do take the prop j Usat doth sustain my house ; you take my life j When you do take the means whereby I live . " ; Shakespeare . ' The design of all Government was twofold—1 st To i protect the people from themselves and each other ; ¦ tsdly . To protect them from foreign invasion . For : thaw purposes laws and arms were instituted . The i wisest and best were freely chosen to rule the rest , and ; fia people pursued their labours in peace and confi- , dace . Partial or remiss governors were condemned or Kperseded- If the bad refused to give place to the good , the people rose and made an example of them , for they would not permit their rulers to be above the law j ad themselves alone under it But if faction proved
Rscessml—if governors degenerated to tyrants—the peopk were oppressed by the very power which they had TOinfainpd for their protection . Then one part was aised to keep down the other—brother held brother in istjeetion , whiie masters plundered them . Free labour bwame a glare . God help the people that suffered such a state of things to come to pass—that did not die lather than yield to the yoke ; for their usurping and irresponsible rulers next made laws to establish oppres-Ean and to perpetuate it from generatiom to generation HjTiag bound and silenced the people , they got priests te persuade them that the will of """ was the will of 6 ai , and nations were thereafter divided into two dsses— " tyrants and tyrants' slaves . "
Aagroes kidnapped in Africa , and sold to be tortured Bid tasked , are not more unjusuy treated than Englisbsaa robbed of their rights ; who must obey laws which t £ * y have no voice in making—laws which enslave them ; » ho are worked when wanted—starved when not "fcated . The diSfcrence between the white and the black kve U absolutely in favour of the latter- The black * U , at k&st , born free—he was born a man , though * fter » wag broken to a beast The white man is born a *» Te , without a birthright ; he has his freedom to gain ; ft * Kite disowns him ; he is not provided for lite the "S * if and he is prevented from providing for him-*^ f ke envies the horses and eogs of his oppressors—J ^ not \ rithout cause . "tVork is given to Elm as a
HToar— the werk which he does ftr another . Was B ^ re eTer such a serf ? Poor wretch ! he knows not tte ause of what he feels—he dares cot seek the reffi tdy . Priests tell him that it is the will of Heaven tfcii he shonld suffer thus . Lawyers tell him that the a . % tice which he experiences is law . Must be resign naself to tue fate which they award him ? Must he •• si the bread which he can neither buy nor beg ? * ast he die of hunger by the way side , or ef starvation j » the bastile ?—a ^ quick death or a slow death ? Must j * not rather obey God , who gave him life , and a * xlto live in ?—nature , that says , " Die not while you * J lire ?•• —reason , that exclaims , " Starve not amid Seaty ?"—and justice , whose trumpet-tongue pro-* "aices that not the willing working man , but the * Ea , should not eat ? If these inward voices are
disj * S « rded , -sill the outward call be obeyed that cries , '" Sue , unite , regain your rights—recover your lost ¦ ° iSage , or eat grass and perish ?" Who sees not the pitiable but unpitied state to which «* Working man is rednced ? And where is his wife ? S * is glad te do man ' s work—to uneex herself for «« d ? What becomes of their children ? Go and see ^ so in the factories : I ^ tfle boys and girls that should be playing in the * & ° * s « toiling in a frightful mill , kept awake by fear , j ° ? ed beyond their strength by torture , and maddened pHime by misery . Saints , who are horror-struck at " *_ ssfferiags of negroes and at the sins of idolators , Sffich themselves by cruelties too abominable for slaverj to
jj' ^ e practice , and worship idols more hideous ' ¦ OUl those in t-igg + frpTi lands . Children are thrown into , * « 22 rysim 5 of ileloch , to be rendered into goldforthe * ° * e of Mammon . Silkworms art better cared for . — "Onplaia of machines throwing human beings out of j jgpicyn . eiit . '—is it fit that ought but iron and steel ] "j ^ d be pnt upo n such tasks ? But money is wrung i «* a tiie « oulj aad bodies of the po « r with as little re- j °° * a » metal i « Emelted from stones . Tbe Corn Laws are blamed for those evils ; but the ] ** ja Laws are not the cause of them . They are not of j " * recent growth ; they existed prier to the Corn i **»» . and are independent of them . In fact the Corn : J **» < a se » reely be called in question . Let us go to *?«** of the natter .
^ Jten England was conquered by & bastard , he parr" * out the land among his followers , and the English £ ™» eompeEed to tin it for them . The descendants of ^* wagners still puisne this plan . Such was the de-5 <™« on andmisery to which the con qnered natives were ^ eed , that they were glad to escape from husbandry , 2 mtirlt ^ te' X'&A a ^ -Q patriotic of all pursuita , and g W tte loom , to become weavers , or anything rather " *¦ * och serfs . j ^^^ ocess of time , a ¦ manufacturing interest arose ; a k 2 ™ S or middle class , whose money power broke the $ « z 2 f *' er of the fighting aristocracy , and mill lords itjl ^ r ^ Pretensions s& the landlords . Corn was jj [ 7 ~" F exported from this country : it can now be g ^^ a ch eaper than it is gro wn hsre ; but not cheaper ^^ ^ could I * grown . Bena . are kept up by a pro-£ ~~ 7 tax on foreign corn , that the landlords may e anie and sp-oe f ^ g ^ pleaiuref . The miuufsc-
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turers hate the landlords with a perfect hatred , and would fain " buy all their corn in Egypt , " in order to ruin the landlords at home . For this purpose , they raise the cry , Repeal the Corn Laws I" so say we , " Repeal the Corn Lvws ! " but not With the hepe of laying eur cultivated lands waste , but with the hope of bringing our wastelands into cultivation . The manufacturers pretend that they cannot afford to pay men the high wages which the dear price of bread requires ; but they know—the hypocrites—that they are superseding the use of men as fast as they can , by the introduction of machinery ; and that they get men for half the wages they formerly paid them . The agricultural and manufacturing interests depend upon each other ; but each seeks its self aggrandisement at the
expence of the other . When goods are supplied faster than the demand , and there is no market for them , the manufacturers—who dread foreign competition , and are in a hurry to mike large fortnnes—blame the Cora Laws , like the old man who said that Tenterden steeple was the cause of Goodwin Sands , because he had never heard of those sands until that steeple was built Their own selfishness is to blame ; but , like Shylock , when balked the gratification of their evil passions , they exclaim— " The curse never fell upon our nation till now—1 « never felt it till now . " Like the oneeyed stag , they watch the land , and turn a blind eye to the danger that threatens them from the sea ; for , if they could succeed in extirpating the " bold peasantry " at home , wkat defence could they maintain against a
foreign enemy ? Both landlords and mill lords take a wrong or perversely obstinate view » of the subject Mill lords , in wishing to import all their food from abroad—landlords , in refusing to supply it cheaper at home . Repeal the Corn Laws—de away with & monopoly that only protects idleness , and corn will soon be grown as cheap in England as it is in Poland . Bat the landlords sit at the head « f . affairs—they are secure in their own possessions , and will not so much as suffer an inquiry to be made into the evils complained of by the manufacturers . The landlords carry their heads « n high like those overtopping flowers which Tarqainins decimated . The only method of reducing them to
reason as by the help of the people ; but the people are not so simple as they used to be . The middle classes could formerly conjure np the power of the people U frighten the aristocracy ; but now the people will not come at their call—they had as lief lie under the tyranny of the landlords as under that of the Mitll-lords ; bat they are resolved to remain no longer under eitier—they claim their own rightsthey demand their Charter ! They have too often done the work of the factions and been cashiered—they will henceforth work only for themselves ^—their own cause is the best—it is the cause of alL The middle classes see that their "day of cajolery has gone by , and they are frantic with rage and vexation .
The Corn Laws cannot and ought not to be repealed until justice becomes law ; it will be time enough then , and that will be when the People ' s Charter becomes law . Let the Corn Laws be the first laws repealed after the Charter is passed . We axe convinced that more husbandmen would then be employed , and we have no wish to see the poet ' s lines
realised" trade ' s unfeeling train Usurp the land and dispossess the swain . " As the manufacturers have been necessitated to ran-Back their brains for new inventions , to extend their trade into every land , so , if the farmers were likewise thrrwn into the field of foreign competition , they would make every portion of uneultivat » d land available for the purposes » f husbandry . No more talk of emigration !—no more complaint ef increase of poor rates . 'plenty of work would be found by all who seek it Talk of a surplus population . '—that is to lay that blame on Providence which belongs to man . God is not in fault England might be made to produce double the food needed by all Englishmen .
There are millions of acres that lie waste—millions that are laid . out in unprofitable pleasure-groundsmillions that might be made to produce fourfold . What right have the rich to deny the poor sustenance from their own soil ? T « send them to the antipodes for food ? Foxes and hares are bred for the sport of titled men , on lands that would feed the patriot-poor —rabbits feed on crops that would fe * d many famishing families . Should the poor man take one , be is taken for it An insolent , ignorant , and arrogant aristocracy have all , and keep alL If an honest labourer seek to enclose a piece of common , he is forbid by the Bquire . who encloses it himself—who adds it to a
large farm , so that from him who hath nothing is taken even that which he hath , and given to him who already hath too much . Should the labourer succeed in appropriating a piece of waste ground , the parson immediately cemes , and claps his ten claws upon it for tithe- It may be ssven years before the land yields any benefit to its cultivator , but the parson , who stands idly by , counts the produce of every year's labour , and takes his tenth from the first And what is his pretence ? He has the care of the labourer's soul ! "May the devil give him good of it . ' " prays the plundered peasant Ob , if the parson and lawyer could be kept out , as well as the polecat and the fox ; bnt there are no mantraps for these .
Those who tell the poer to emigrate should be told te do so themselves—those who would force the poor to expatriate themselves , should themselves be made to do ao . What right has idleness to deny labour its reward—and " pride to deprive life of its land ? The right of might alone . Our native soil is the fittest fur us—we belong to it , and it belongs to us . It is God's gift , appointed to us at our birth by Providence ^—another soil is n&t suited tons , and is tenanted by its own appropriate people . Quit not your native soil in obedience to the wishes of its unjust possessors—remain at home and regain your rights . " The people shall EXJOT THE 1 B OffX AGAIS . '" W . ( Tote coTiduded in our next . )
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[ ADYEBTISEMEST . J TO'THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . If not victimised in gaol , I am left to perish from principles I still hope to see carried out , by advocating the rights of the labouring classes to live by their labour . For this have I found enemies in masters and men ; the latter have I found to succeed—invariably the most deadly foes I have had to contend against I have been told to get my breadby my Chartism , having five children , destitute of support I trust you will not withhold your aid from one who has relieved others . Tour ' s , respectfully , Rd . Medcboft , No . 1 , Trinity Court , Trinity Lane , Queenhithe .
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THE SIXTY OUNCE INGOT , OR BAR PLAN , OF
THE LATE DAVID RICARDO , ESQ . ¦ " £ t yarns , ei / ormam , repina pecunia donat , " David once with a sling WitnessRotbs—dand « ich Made Goliah ' s head ring , Who the gold fain would But David Ricaxdo clutch , A » least would as far go , And have it ( cunning elves ) E ' en the slinger surpass In a lump to themselves . With gold bars in a mass , To insure which sly trick Tbo' long since he be dead And all law folk to nick , And from Stock Exchange The whole hog they would sped go To crave the full discount With defunct Ricardo ; On his final account ; For though not in their line For he to directors . To drive bargains in swine ,
Our -wealthy protector 3 , Such blades have at corn-Left a notable scheme mand Their flash notes to redeem , The choice fat of the land , And bar out the rabble And whenever they hie From making a sqaubble , To the Thresdneedle sty And from draining theBank Never get , it is clear , Of its gold ( a fine prank ); The wrong iow by the ear . When the gold , it is clear , Thus the men of the bar Bankers make it appear Shewthemselvesabovepar , All belongs to rich men Than dwarf serpents more Who grow-f at by the pen— wise . That is , who are thriving They appear to our eyes By rapid quill driving To shine as the victors And stock speculation Of boa-constrictors . In this and that nation : Bysa . MTES .
" I like the Bank of England to be the head Bank , to have all the specie under their care , and all the issues , and to be as liberal of money as they can . It is these little people-that drain the country banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . "—Evidence of X . M . Rothschild to Parliamentary Committee , 24 iA June , 1832 . " The talent of that gentleman ( the late David Ricardo ) was of the highest order , and his loss greatly to be regretted . Perhaps there never was an idea more deserving of consideration , than bis plan , for a circulation of notes convertible into ingots of gold or silver , and it would have been well for the conntry , had the government of his day given the subject mature consideration , prior to the issue of gold coin , and forming that metal is our standard of value . "—J . H . Palmer , Esq . a Bank Director , 1837 .
Mr . J . H . Palmer teezna to think as little of the exceeding villany and terrific consequences of adopting the sixty ounce bar plan of the defunct Stock Exchange speculator , ' ' as a fox-hunting joint stock banker does of the risk to his own neck' in leaping a five-barred gate . ' In fact , the bar scheme is a Jacobinical conspiracy to swell out bank dividends , to banish the gold coin , bearing the effigy of our Kings and Queens from the realm , to rob the Queen and her successors of the right of coining money of ascertained weight and fineness , and to substitute a barefaced permanent assignat system of paper currency . Such a plot concocted by a class of men who are continually vaunting their own superior wealth and wiBdom , ought to be crushed at once by a
prosecution on the part of the Attorney-General ; for what mere insidious plot , than one which would uproot all tiie ancient monetary regulations of the country , and that too after the Parliament had congratulated the people on their return to the ancient metallic money , and had warned them against tampering ^ with the wise institutions of their forefathers ? If a Chartist or Socialist , er any political par ty , the designation of which ends in ist or ism , had propounded such a scheme , the conntry wonld have resounded with the phrases , "deep laid plot for the rabversion of property , " «• insidiouB bio * aimed at the prerogative of the Crown , " " daring attempt to involve Lhe community in anarchy and confusion , " & « . ; and it
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is more than probable that even the patriot banker , Daniel O'Connell , Esq ., forgetting bis own partiality for high inflated paper prices , which he recorded in » letter to the people of Ireland , would have offered to aid her Majesty with a hundred thousand of hia " rinf ' paying body guard , to crush in the bad such a monstrous Invasion of her rights , and those of her subjects . Perhaps , however , the Attorney General may be ahy in taking any hostile steps against the conspirators in the back pirlour , as he may be a bank-stock proprietor himself ; but if he forbear , it will only furnish one more to the many proofs we have , that , in this country , " one man may steal a horse , while another dare not look over a hedge . "
N . B . —Any wealthy person , with . £ 233 12 s . « d . * in bank notes , might , under the plan in question , demand from the bank 60 ounces in bar gold , so that the honest scheme would effectually prevent the great Dons of the paper debt market from being elbowed by " these little people that drain the conntry banks , and take gold from the Bank of England . " Will , the Papyrists try the efficacy of their plan ? If they do , ( and they are powerful in the Legislature , ) it will ultimately strengthen the cause of the Chartists ; and the writer , for one , would rather live under the domination of the latter , than under the ruthless sway of a tribe of false money manufacturers . Sixty times £ 3 17 s . lOid . Nottingham , 15 th May , 18 * 1 .
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^ MR . PETER HOEY . TO THE GENEROUS CHARTISTS OF GREAT
BRITAIN . An imperative duty demands tbat we call upon you to render assistance to our tried friend Mr . Hoey , who , we feel bound to say , deserv « s your utmost aid at this moment We firmly believe that it is only necessary to make public the distressing particulars of his case , to cause you to rush , as one man , to furnish the means required for his present emergency . You are too well aware tbat it was for advocating your rights , a « well as his own , that he drew down upon his devoted bead the united vengeance of both the plundering factions of this town , who obtained for him a place in the Whighell-hole at Wakefield . The treatment which our
beloved friend received from his torturers has brought him to & T 6 ry ruinous state of bodily health , besides a very bad leg , which dreadful state of bodily affliction was , no doubt , the principal reason of the base and bloody bruUls ( as O'Connell says ) liberating their victim before he was Claytonized . Ever since he was liberated from the mad-house , he has been nnder a course of medicine , with little or no success . His medical attendants have advised that our friend Hoey should go to his native town ( Drogheda , in Ireland ) to make trial of his native air , and to drink the salt waters . Unless that course is taken , great fears are entertained that amputation of the sufferer ' s leg will be necessary to preserve to him his life .
Brother Chartists , —We call upon you , then , to come forward with your mites at once , to enable the Barnsley Committee to send our victimized brother to Drogheda for two months , to make trial of the doctor ' s advice , where no doubt he will be as serviceable in the cause of democracy as ever he was wont to be in this country . We are , Your Brothers in the cause of Chartism , Frank Mirfield , George Uttley , William Norton , John Valance , John Field , James Uttley , John Shaw , David Leech , John Frethwell .
All persons wishing to contribute will oblige us by remitting it to the Star office . JoHk' Field , Secretary . Barnsley , May 16 th , 1841 .
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SHALL THERE BE AN " ENGLISH CHARTIST CIRCULAR ?" " And a voice was heard , saying ' Paul , Paul , why persecutes ! theu me V We earnestly entreat the attention of our readers to the following : —
To the Editor of the English Chartist Circular . Sir , —In consequence of a difference ( not a division ) which now exists in the Chartiet ranks relative to Lovett ' s plan of organisation and the Manchester plan , many persona foolishly threaten the English Charlist Circular with annihilation ! Now , Sir , this proves that men ar e objects of perscntion merely because ther e happens to be a difference of opinion as to the best mode of obtaining the Charter . I contend that such a difference ought not to be the cause of a malicious persecution of a work similar to the Chartist Circular , sot
up as every one most know at an enormous expence , continued at a weekly loss , and sold at one halfpenny only ! for the purpose of disseminating the principles of Chartism more widely . 8 uch a work requires at least a weekly circulation of 20 or 30 , 00 * before it can pay its own way ; and if from foolish motives it is invidiously attacked , the circulation must fall off , and ultimately become extinct , which , instead of becoming a triumph to the persecutors , it wonld be a glorious triumph to the enemy , who dislike the spread of cheap democratic knowledge among the people .
I hope the silly idea of crushing the English Chartist Circular will be abandoned by those who differ with LoTett and others . And here let it be observed that Lovett is not the editor as many suppose . I will give it or any other publication of the same nature my warmest support Where is the use of my acquiring political information , if I have not the facilities such as you afford me of giving the world the benefit of my studies and researches ? Sir , so long as you continue to publish , will I contribute articles to your columns , trusting to your judgment for their insertion . Though the stamp laws prohibit political remarks upon passing events , and ju » tly-merited censures upon some of our M . P . ' s and officers of state , black bottles , Sunday flogging , and such like articles found in newspapers , from being inserted in your columns , yet an article written with care I have no doubt' meets a ready admission in your Circular . I remain , Your obedient servant ,
R . J . RlCHAB . DSO >\ Salford , near Manchester , April 28 , 1841 . [ Thanks to Mr . Richardson for his very friendly no tification—thanks for the assurance that "so long as we continue to publish , will he contribute articles to our columns . " We had thought that to contend against the prejudices of declared antagonists of " Equal rights and equal laws , " and to infuse something like animation into lukewarm friends , now cradled in ignorant supineness , was difficulty enough for us to
conquerbut when to this is added the misconceptions of a portion of those who are •• bone of our bone , and flesh of our flesh , " we are in very truth eppressed with exceeding great sorrow . What have we done to deserve the enmity—¦ what to call for our " annihilation" nt « he hands of Chartists ? We dare affirm—nothing . ! Point us an article , —nay , but a selitary passage , in any one number of the Circular , that the most enthusiastic Democrat need be angered at ? We reiterate that we are unconscious of , —nor do we fear that the most microscopic vision can discern any such passages . '
Whence originates then the dissatisfaction so bitterly bewailed by us ? 'Doubtless from , we must say , the no less strange than erroneous supposition on the part of the brother Democrats alluded to by Mr . Richardson , that , 1 . The Circular is but the organ of a section of the Chartist army ; and 2 . That it is conducted as such by Mr . Lovett Now , as regards the first , we cave in a previous number disclaimed all connection with either sections or individuals . We seek bnt to promote \ be happiness , and humbly to diffuse a knowledge of those eternal principles of justice , by whose triumph alone can we
hope to win a glorions freedom for all . It is painful to feel necessitated t » repeat our most solemn asseveration that it has ever been our studious ai ; xiety to keep aloof from every topic that would seem to savor of controversy , or engender personalities . The name of Chartist has always been a sure passport to our regard . On no occasion have we deviated from this fraternal feeling in deciding upon the many communications -with which we have heretofore , and hope again , to be favoured . Was the artiele transmitted such as our judgment believed weuld strve the " good cause "—if so , its insertion was at once decided , without question as to whether its writer was a member of this or that association .
We must also declare that Mr . Lovett has n » t , and never had any further connection with the English Chartist Circular , than that of Correspondent The communications of Mr . L . depended as much as those of any other correspondent upon the acceptation or rejection of the de facto Editor . What is th ^ name borne by the actual Editor cannot surely be of the slightest import , so that he perform well his duty to the publication entrusted to bis care . That is his sole ambition , and ^ despising the " bubble reputation" he looks for his best reward in the secure
establishment of the Circular itself . But let no man imagine that he is a mere hireling scribe . No , this is to him "a labour of love , " of devotion to the sacred cause of the world ' s redemption from the hell-born powers of darkness and despotism . He would fain believe that those who have known him personally , can witness that he has been no idler , tbat he has cheerfully nade some few sacrifices , and endured not a little without quailing . If a William Lovett have grasped his hand , so also has a Bronterre O'Brien " many a time and oft" proclaimed him—friend .
Thus much for the English Chartist Circular , its tone objects , and its Editor . Less we could not say , nor do we feel inclined to add more than that we ask not favour from any man , but justice from all who boast the title of Chartist It is for them to decide whether after an enormous sum has been sunk upon the Circular , it shall now perish . Let them , however , ire entreat , take good heed tbat they , the advocates of trnth and demaniitrs of justice , do not countenance falsehood and injustice to us . Let them judge the Circular according
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to its own merits or demerits , and not denounce it for " differences , " which its Editor deplores , and with whiclt he is in no otherwise connected . If a truly honest and advene verdict is returned , we will uubmifc without reproach ; but if we fall a victim to passion and nusrepreaentation , we shall bure good caoaeof complaint . Now , brother democrats , what say you ? » ^ l tk p an English Chartist Circular V '—m . English Chartist Circular . ]
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TO CABINET-MAKERS EXTRAORDINARY . Wanted immediately , Borne skilful hands to put in erder a very curious cabinet , the workmanship of which has been in a disabled and rlcketty state for some months past It is not very ancient , having been put together only afeout five years ago , since which period it has experienced many changes in several of its most important departments , no alteration having been productive of the slightest permanent benefit . This cabinet is composed ot fourteen important parts , termed by the craft , " Ministers , " which are ao contrived as to fit very closely together , and made to go in and out by a secret and influential spring , whenever it iB applied for that purpose .
It is also adorned with an abundance of little wooden figures resembling men of different ages , habited in the costume of the present day . All these automata are new within a few yean , and have been manufactured at a vast expence . These figures , by a secret touch of the main spring , are so contrived as to utter and emit sounds like the speech of human creatures , and may be made to change their notes , and sing in quite a different key merely by shifting their places . The loading the puppet with coin will also occasion it to move any way it may be directed . It is worthy of remark that the main spring of the whole cabinet is so exquisitely contrived that the slightest touch even of a child or a female is sufficient to put it in motion and direct all its movements .
Owing to recent unlooked for accidents this ca&fne * has lost many of its customary supporters , and has been thrown into confusion , and consequently has become unable to perform its movements and functions . Several cabinet-makers have been consulted as to its repair , but on account of its complicated machinery none have yet been able to agree in what is necessary to be done . The most eminent , however , are ot opinion tbat it ought to be completely taken to pieces and a new cabinet formed . Whosoever will undertake to put the same into complete repair without taking it to pieces , or looking at the works by which thd secret spring is regulated , and which must on no account be touched , may apply at the office of the proprietor , Miss Victoria Guelph , Queen ' s Buildings , Buckingham Palace . —Satirist .
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WHAT IS COMING . There are some persons among us who have persuaded themselves , or seek to persuade ethers , that the Reform Bill constitution can only be worked by its inventors . This is but a poor compliment toft The use , of a constitution is to place the nation less at the mercy of the individual characters of rulers—to establish so strongly certain forms of conducting business , that the most reckless and ambitious men shall feel themselves hampered if they seek to uss for their own selfish purposes the power intrusted to them for the public good . A constitution which can enly work well in the bands of one party , is as good as no constitution at all . To say , as some do not scruple to say , tbat our liberties are in danger as soon as the Tories come Into power , is to confess that the Reform Act gave us only a sham constitution .
Without exaggerating the merits of that piece of legislation , it is not quite so bad as some of its admirers par excellence would make it The old boroughmongering constitution which grew up subsequent to the Revolution was bad enough—especially in its latter days : but it was better than the constitution or no-constitution which preceded it . Under it , men enjoyed in security what they were allowed to earn , and went to their favourite churches without impediment Some qualified praise of the same kind will be bestowed a couple of generations hence on our Reform Bill constitution , even after the Conservatives have tried their hands at giving it a finish to their own taste . Catholics cannot be again subjected to political disqualification ; the Teat Act cannot be again made law ; the principles of Adam Smith must be carried into more extended operation ; more attention must be paid than formerly to keeping the national expenditure as moderate as possible , and collecting the revenue in the manner least severely felt .
New principles of action mu ! -t be avowed , and to a certain extent acted upon , by any set uf men who shall obtain and hold power under the Constitution of 1832 . It does not follow that because the son of the Anti-Reform-Bill Conservative will call himself by the same political designation as his father , tbat his principles will net have been modified by the different framework of society , to the influences of which he la exposed . The fathers of MarshallMacdonald and General Wingfleld Scott were obliged to leave this country on account of their devotion to the divine hereditary right of the Stuarts ; yet the one has made a very respectable Revolutionary General in France , and the other an equally respectable Republican General in America . Most men ' s principles or opinions are a mere
supplement to tbeir existence—certain forms of speech , by which they reconcile themselves to any disagreeable feelings occasioned by their reflections on their own conduct and circumstances . The principles and opinions of a party are the same thing on a larger scale : they are not so much rules of action as apologies for belonging to the party . The political creed of the Conservatives under the Reform Bill , if they ever obtain a lease of power of any continuance , must be worded in such a manner tbat the recruits they have picked up among the disappointed promoters of that measure can use them without being constantly reminded of tbeir inconsistency . - And the danger to be incurred by too glaring a contradiction between words and actions , will make their political creed to a certain exttnt influential in controlling their conduct .
When Harley and St John got hold of the reins of Government in Queen Anne's time , the task of inventing a political confession of faith devolved principally on St John and Dean Swift A very dexterous piece of patchwork it was ; retaining just aa much of Tory principles aa would not prevent its professors from working a Revolution Government—just as much of philosophical morals as served to expose the rottenness of the Whigs , without tying down their rivals to be " absolute Josephs . " Harley ami St . John were driven from power , but the Tory party formed under their auspices , as contradistinguished from the Jacobite party , trained strength every year , till , under George the
Third , it was installed hi office , and held it with a high hand till the advent of Canning . When Sir Robert Peel comes into power—aa there is at this moment every prospect of his doing—aonie clever fellows will lick the discordant popular professions of bis supporters into shape , and the Reform Bill Conservatives will obtain a code of political principles . A nice medley they will be , to suit the heterogeneous assortment of Colonial monopolists , / inti-slavera , Presbyterian Non-intruaionitta , Puseyites or seini-Puseyites , anti-Poor Law enthusiasts , and bread-taxers , out of which a party must be organised . But they will be , like the speech of Chaucer ' s student , " eouning in moral vertue , " and will servo their purpose for a time .
That time , however , will most probably be brief . Thure is an element at work in society , the character and extent of whose power is yet too undeveloped , too little known , to allow of our estimating its influence . It does txbt , however ; and the manner in which all parties alternately rail at and fawn upon it shews that they hate it with the hatred of fear . Its name is Chartism . —Spectator .
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HOUSE OF LORDS .-Friday , May 14 . Lord Wharncliffe presented several petitions from Liverpool , Manchester , Norwich , and other places , complaining of the present state of the marriage law with respect to marriages with the sister of a deceased wife . The Noble Lord believed that such marriages tended to promote morality and domestic happiness , as no woman was more likely to superintend a family of young orphans with care and affection than the sister of their deceased mother . The Bishop of London pronounced himself strongly against any alteration of the law in this respect Lord Melbourne presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Church Rates . The House adjourned .
Monday ^ May 17 . The Exchequer Bills Bill , the Excise Collection and Management Bill , and the Banking Co-partnerships Bill , were severally read a third time and passed- ' Several petitions were presented for and against any alteration in the Corn Laws . . A number of . petitions against any alteration , presented by the Duke of Rutland , led to some discussion upon the policy , as well as upon the results consequential upon the enactment of those laws , in which Earl Fitzwilliam , the Earl of Ripon , the Duke of Rutland , the Earl of Stradbroke , the Duke of Wellington , the Earl of Radnor , Lord Ellenborough , and Lord Ashburton took part . The latter Noble Lord , in the course of his speech , attacked the Government for having taken measures , by means of their orBceia , to excite agitation throughout the country upon the subject of the Corn Laws .
The Eiirl of Clarendon rose to give the most unqnaljfied contradiction which the forms of the House would admit of , to the charge made by the Neble Lord , that they had excited agitation against the Corn Laws . Some reflections pronounced by the Earl of Wicklow on the conduct of Viscount Melbourne , who had left the House , produced ' a warm rejoinder'from the Maiquis of Normanby , in the course of which he stated that every item of the Government plan respecting the import duties was decided upon long before Easter , and was not the result of anything which had since ooenrred . Some petitions against the Corn Laws were presented by Earl Fitzwilliam , and their Lordships adjourned .
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HOSUE OF COMMONS . —Friday , May 14 . After the presentation of some petitions , and the transaction of some general business , the House proceeded with the adjourned debate on the Sugar Duties . Mr . P . Howard contended for the admisaion of slavegrown sugar , on the ground that the supply of oar own colonies was likely to be insufficient He approved of the principles of the Budget , and gave credit to Ministers for a lofty disregard of the emoluments of office , and he moreover announced his conviction that , on an appeal to the country , the people would respond to the views of the Government . He believed that the opposition , if they succeeded to office , would adopt the very project they now resisted ; but he wished to see it carried out by Reformers , not by Conformers , and he trusted , at all events , that Ministers would not resign without a dissolution .
Mr . Alderman Copeland bore testimony to the general feeling of mercantile men against this Budget , as deeply injurious to the commerce of the country . Sir H . Vivian observed , that people who professed their general belief in the principles of free trade were often found to desire -an exception for their own case . He commented upon the evils of the existing Corn Laws ; and illustrated them by quoting an opinion expressed by the gunmakers of Birmingham , that they cauld not compete with those of Belgium while the Corn Laws continued to keep np the price of bread , which was the standard of wages . He was as zealous as any man in his hatred of slavery ; but he did not censider himself inconsistent in endeavouring to increase the general consumption of sugar . There would be no colonial sugar displaced , if , as he expected would happen , consumption would be increased so far as to absorb a quantity of Brazilian sugar in addition to the colonial .
Sir C . Douglas , after an elaborate attack on the Imports Committee , said , he claimed for the " great Tory party" the merit of having been at all times opposed to slavery . To prove this , he read extracts from letters from Lord Caatlereaeh , written about the time of the Congress of Vienna , in which his Lordship urged that the Great Powers should exclude from their markets the produce of those countries which , after a reasonable time , refused to abolish the slave-trade . Sir H . PaRNELL defended the conduct of the Imports Committee . He next reviewed the working of the Corn Laws , which he described as & burdensome tax , that brought nothing into the Exchequer . With regard to the subject more immediately under discussion , he said that the West India colonies , when relieved from the commercial restrictions under which they had themselves laboured , wonld be perfectly able to compete with other sugar-growing countries .
SirEARDLEY Wilmot would not take one stop to Berve the West India interests ; but he should oppose the proposals of Government , because he thought them calculated to promote the slave trade . Mr . H . F . Berkeley thought it was yet too soon to expose free labour in the West Indies to the competition of slave labour . Of the general principles on which the Budget was fcased he approved ; and at no very distant time he believed the colonies would be equal to any competition to which they might be exposed .
Mr . J . Parker said he stood in that House as the representative of the non-elective part of the population , as well as his own constituents , and he was determined to do erery thing in his power to obtain for them cheap bread , cheap sugar , and all the other necessaries of life , aa cheap as they could be had consistently with the exigencies of the revenue . Alluding to the attempts to get up a cry of humanity on the question of the sugar duties , Mr . Parker expressed a conviction that an opinion was rapidly gaining ground among the public that the real humanity of the case was entirely on the side of the Government Several of the provincial Associations for the Abolition of Slavery had already protested against the conduct of the London Committee ) and on that very day he had heard that a spirit of iusubordfnation had manifested itself even in Exeter Hall . He regretted to see an anti-commercial spirit so strong among the Hon . Gentlemen opposite .
Mr . D'Israeli endeavoured to show that the value of the commerce of Brazil had been much overrated , and made it matter of complaint that more attention had not been paid to Mexico and the other ex-colonies of Spain , where slavery no longer existed . The complaints now made of commercial decline were only the continuation of those which had always been put forward , from the time of Walpole to the present day . His own belief was tbat our commercial greatness , so far from being on the wane , had not yet attained its meridian splendour . Sir H . Verney spoke in support of the Budget , and looked to the proposals of Government , If agreed to , for new openings to British commerce .
Mr . Kemble maintained that to lower the duties on foreign sugar would be to undo all that bad been done by the Emancipatian Act The proposals of the Government were in themselves ill-timed , aad presented a most unfavourable account of the financial administration of the patty who had now been in power for eleven years . The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed oat the inconsistency of those who ffered so strenuous an opposition to the reduction of the Sugar Duties . They insisted , on the one hand , that he would derive ne revenue from foreign sugar , and , on the other hand , that the country would be inundated by an overwhelming importation of sugar grown by slave labour . One of these positions must be wrong . If there was a large
importation there must be a corresponding revenue ; whereas , if no revenue were obtained there could be no importation , and , consequently , no injury to the colonial growers . But the fact was , that he gave to the Colonists a protection of 50 per cent , which would secure them from injury by leaving them a fair and remunerating price . To the consumer , at the same time , he secured a supply in case of an extravagant rise in the price of colonial sugar . The Right Hon . Gentleman contended that the arguments of his opponents , that his proposal was ill-timed , were disproved by their own statements , when they said that the supply from our Colonies was likely to ke so abundant as to render tho proposed measure a dead letter . He expressed a conviction that some degree of competition would
be beneficial to the cause of free labour , to which the same principle might be applied as to every other branch of trade . Nothing could be more injurious , as had been well observed by Mr . Huskisson , than to bolster up any species of trade or industry by prohibition . The Chancellor of the Exchequer ridiculed the pretensions to humanity by which his proposals had been met To object to receive Brazil sugar , lest by doing so encouragement be given to the Slave Trade , was futile , so long as we sold our manufactures to the Brazilians , and took their sugar in return . We did not ourselves consume tbat sugar , but while we took it , and sold it in foreign markets , we encouraged slavery just as much as if we consumed it at home . Viewing the question in a financial point of view , the Right Hon . Gentleman said be had proposed a scheme
by which he believed the difficulties of the country ¦ wo uld be obviated , without imposing fresh burdens on the people . If he was wrong , let those opposed to him point out the means by which the crisis should be met Such had been invariably the conduct of Mr . Huskisson , of Lord Spencer , and Lord Asbburton , when in opposition . The debate had now lasted a week , and he would defy friend or foe to say on what principles the Opposition would shape their course when they came into power . This was , no doubt , politic , if the only object was to keep together the great party by whom he was opposed ; but it was not the good old practice . The Right Hon . Gentleman concluded by expressing a belief that the policy now recommended by the Government must be eventually adopted , whatever party might be in power . The debate was then again adjourned till Monday .
Mondayi May 17 . The adjourned debate on the sugar duties was resumed by Sir C . Grey , who supported the Government propositions ; arid was followed by Mr . Ainsworth , Mr . Hodges , ( who took exception to the fixed duty on Corn , ) Mr . Trotter , Mr . W . Roche , Mr . Tufnell , Mr . G . H . Cavendish , Mr . Strntt , Mr M . Philips , Mr . Barron , Mr . W . Williams , Mr . T . Duncombe , ( who made an excellent speech , ) and Mr . Brlscoe , Mr . Smythe , Mr . Matthew , and Sir B . Hall , spoke in opposition . Mr . Muntz said the really houest course would be to lay on a property tax , both on land and money , and to repeal a proportionate quantity of the indirect taxation which presses heavily on the poor . Mr . Shiel moved the adjournment of the debate until Tuesday .
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SWIETHWICK . —The Triumph of Truth . —Corn Law Repealers Defeated . —A public meeting was called at the Talbot Inn , at this village , on Monday last , for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for a Repeal of the Corn Laws , when a deputation from West Bromwioh attended to speechify upon them , and amongst them the Rev . W . Stokes . As soon as it became known that the cheap bread criers were going to hold a meeting , two working-men came over to Birmingham to procure help , and if possible to prevent the people from being deceived by such hum-) ugs , when Mr . T . P . Green , and Mr . W . Dean Taylor , were appointed to go , to give battle to the Repealers ; prior to the meeting commencing , Mr . Barratt lighted the candles on the rostrum , and while there took occasion to turn the portrait of the Queen , which hung over the mantel-piece , face to the wall : immediately upon the arrival of his
Reverence and friends , they proceeded to move a Mr . Downing is chairman , when the Chartists moved as an amendmentjthat Mr , Seagrave take the chair . The amendment was ' carried by a great majority , after which the Rev . Mr . W . Stokes got up to move the first resolution , which was as follows : — "That all laws which interfere with the importation of the necessaries of life are opposed alike to sound policy and national prosperity , because they afford an nndue protection to th « landowners , to the manufacturing portion of the community , and whilst they sacrifice the commercial interests of the country , they afford no real protection to the agricnltorists . "' " TJiat the Corn Lawsare opposed to the saered principles of religion and morality , by preventing that intercourse between nations which Providence , by bestowing upon one country what it has denied to ano-
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ther , evidently intended should be the mean ? o ? promoting ' Peace on earth and eood will to men . " * " That the Corn Law 3 are peculiarly oppressive to the working portion of Booiety , for whilst Holy Writ declares * That the Iabourerer is worthy of his hire , * these restrictive laws have a direct tendency to prevent the fair remuneration of labour by raising the price of provisions , whilst they choke up the springs of industry . " Now , this was oriRinally three separate resolutions , but finding the Chartists prepared to sh « w fight , $ hey determined to more them as one The old hackneyed arguments of repealers , which have been a thousand times told , were retailed here , but with great abilitv and considerable tact , ana , as usual , pity for the workers , was the moving cause of the appearance of his Reverence that ev . ning .
He spent considerable time in shewing his ability to make black appear white ; and i in so doing , stumbled upon the confession that he was an advocate for universal right and Universal Suffrage . Mr . Jones seconded the resolution , who did anything but aid the cause he had espoused ; but , as far as personalities and ill temper conld do so , he was mighty valiant in its defence . A plain labouring Derbyshire man then moved an' amendment as follows : — " That this meeting considers the Whig scheme , of » partial repeal of the Corn . Law duty as one of trick and fraud , for the purpose'of keeping themselves in office to perpetuate national plunder ; and this meeting will not acknowledge the House of Commons as at present constituted to be the veritable representative of the population of this country ; nor the House
of Lords any thing else than a house of territorial aristocrats ; and further , this meeting considers it folly and madness to expect any redress of the grievances of the industrious classes , nntil the People ' s Charter be the permanent basis of the constitution of this country . " He remarked , that he thought it was wondrous fine to talk about repealing the Corn La < vs , but what would be the condition of the farmers , unless their high rents were repealed also 1 He also clearly pointed out the manner in which it would drive the agricultural labourers into the manufacturing towns ; and concluded by giving them a broadsider upon their inconsistency ^ amidst the laughter and cheers of the people . — Mr . W . Dean Taylor , Chartist lecturer , then got up to second the amendment . He appeared there not
as a lover of Corn Laws . He did not believe they were either holy , just , or gooi ; but , though he was convinced that any tax upon food was in itself wicked and base , yet he was also well assured tbat the Corn Laws conld not be repealed without a decided change in Government . Mr . Stokes had said we must first know the disease before we could know the cure ; he , therefore , contended that the cause of the miseries of the people had not buen shown . The question was , whether the passing of the Corn Law had produced all the misery and want of this couutry . If it had , then its repeal would , of course , take it away . But if the passing of the Corn Law had not produced the whole of the evil , then its repeal would not remove it , or impart permanent peace or prosperity
to the country —( hear )—on the contrary , he was prepared to show that its repeal at present , and by itself , would not only fail to give domestic peace or national prosperity , but that it would produce real evil and greater distress . It had been stated , that before the passing of the Corn Laws the people could purchase rood at remarkably low prices ; when it was a fact that , in 1803 , the quartern loaf was lid ., and'in 1812 , 20 d . was paid , and that these two periods were both prior to the passing of this iniquitous law ; while it was well known that iu 1841 tne samo quantity could be purchased for 71 d , and this while the Corn Law was in existence . Much had been said about the great orders that would come to this country , and make the labour market prosperous . But he wished to aek , what would be
the effect if machinery was mtrodnced to perform it instead of human labour ? Numerous authorities could be brousht to show , from among the RepealeTS themselves , to show , without doubt , that they were well satisfied that nothing but improved machinery could ever enable them to maintain their position in the market , the meaning of which was , that there muBt be less hand labour , and consequently the labour market more -glutted than it was . He would also ask if this tremendous power of invention was to go on so as only . i © require mere . overiookers * how it would be possible to keep up our wages , when our wages depend on the scarcity of our numbers , and when the population ie continually increasing . He clearly pointed out the impossibility of competing with foreigners who manufacture to a
great extent , who grow their own material , who are not burdened with taxes as we are , without we also comedown to their low wages , which a repeal of the Corn Laws by themselves would speedily bring about . He then referred to the exportation of machinery , that the countries expected to give ua corn for goods , had the first and best machinery , English mechanics and workmen—in fact , whatever was Buperior in British manufactures and machinery , they had them ; besides could any man in his senses expect those countries to throw away their machinery , buildings , and capital , for the sake of ploughing , sowing , reaping , &c , to please the manufacturers of this country—is was monstrous to suppose it . They were told the Corn -Laws were injurious to the manufacturing interests ; but they must always
understand that to mean the interests of the masters , not the workmen . It was not a * -Corn Law-Repeal that was wanted , but a labour repeal , and an increase of wages . Englishmen worked too much already ; in fact they had worked for the world , and a few had reaped the benefit ; and now the masters had eaten up all the produce of the manufacturing operatives , they were resolved to gormandize and gulp down their ungodly throats the land and its produce too . It was well known that a cotton spinner , thirty years ago , would earn three times as much with two hundred and fifty or three hundred spindles , as he can now produce w ith one thousand , or from that to two thousand two hundred spindles ; it was also known that the increase in speed was such , that " where some spindles only
revolved fifty times ' per minute , that they perform from four thousand to five thousand revolutions in the same period of time . How , then , can the labour-market ever be made prosperous again by the repeal of the corn , or in fact , by the repeal of any other laws , until we labour for ourselves only and turn our attention to the cultivation of our country . Mr . Taylor thea informed them that there were 30 . 000 , 000 of acres of land in th ? s country comparatively waste , and yet we wantiug corn from others . Of all kinds of insanity , this appeared the worst ; he laid before tho Repealers such a number of faofcs and with such a power of argument that they appeared completely chop fallen , and concluded by showing the Charter must be the law of the land . Mr . T . P- Green then sot np to support
the amendment , when he very clearly pointed out the part the clergy had taken in the matter , and that if they had wanted a repeal they wouid have got it , and if they wanted the Charter they could also have got it ; he gave the black slugs as he termed them a r « gular drubbing . He sat de wn and Mr . Benjamin Hill arose also to support the amendment , ia doing which he showed that bread was as dear long before the war without Corn Laws as it waa now . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He also explained , in a ve . 'j' able manner the expense of freightage for corn to this country , the damages it was liable to , and that it could not possibly be brought to this country , leaving profit out of the question , without . being as dear or dearer than we can produce it at home : he supported the
amendment because he was resolved that the enemy should not slip through our fingers by cunningly keeping another resolution back , and thereby slide us out of the field , and publish it as having passed . Ho did his work like a true Chartist , he stood to his post . Now Mr . Hill is a member of the Christian Chartist Church , and in supporting this amendment , he was opposing Mr . O Neil , his Pastor , who would not go for the amendment , but for the original motion , and this , a professed leader of Chartists . Mr . Hill , however , would not be juggled out of the victory , nor give an inch to the repealers , but opposed Mr . O'Neil to his face . Mr . O'Neil then said he thought the original resolution ought to be carried , and an
amendment attached . to it to make it perfect , thus giving the repealers a victory over Chartism . He also stated that as we wonld not de this , he would vote for both ; others conld please themselves . The amendment , of course , was put and carried by an overwhelming majority . The resolution was also put , when about fourteen hands were held up in its favour , by Corn Law repealers , amongst whom was Mr . O'Neill . Three cheers were then given for O'Connor and the Star , three for the exiles and prisoners , and three for the Charter ; concluding , as ail meetings should do , having had a good dose of Chartism that night . Down with the repeal , and up with the Charter t *
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Sudden Death of Mr . T . Barber Beaub «) 1 ct . — On Saturday afternoon Mr . T . Barber Beaumont , a county magistrate , and resident director of the County Fire-office , expired suddenly , at his residenoe in Regent-street . He was sitting in his parlour alone , and upon one of his family entering the room he was observed reclining in his chair as if asleep , but it was soon discovered that the vital spark had fled for ever . Mr . Beaumont was a fine health j looking man , apparently about sixty years of age . A few months since he had a severe attack of illness , but overcame it , and from that period to his death he enjoyed very good health " . About eight months since the deceased gentleman erected , at a vast expense , a large building in Beaumont-square , Mileend , and which is used for literary and scientific purposes , and which he has endowed for ever with the sum of £ 400 annually . Mr . Beaumont had extensive property in Mile-end .
Intelligence arrived at the different insurance offices in tho metropolis , on Saturday , of a terrific fire having occurred on the morning of Wednesday week , in the quiet village of Stoke Cannon , situate a few miles from ; Exeter , and which occasioned the total destruction of fifteen houses , the dwellings of forty-six poor labouring families .
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^^^ __ . ' THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 22, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct707/page/7/
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