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jjje gon . J . & WORTLEY then * & forward , and ni received with eaeers by the Btae ptrfcy . He said Si Whig Government lad n » w feeen in office for eleven Z ^ and during the whole time they have never ven-^ a to make any proposal on the snb $ eci on -which T ^ ow choose to aftlate the country . It is only at the £ 4 moment , when they find themselves sinking in the ^ nation of the © oantry , to the lowest step in the 3 ft ( A shout of " Win you do it then ? " ) It is «] j when they find their own Hoase of Commons Zucts them , a&d tells them they are bound in principle vTreii&L their situations ; it is only then they throw oat tfeis question as a halt for popularity , and in order to keep their situations . What kind of question is Sj , on which they think agitation justifiable to raise
J * T passions of the people—for I can eall the attempt r ^ ing else , though it has failed ? What is the question ? A question on whieh the first and most Intel-Kfest authorities differ almost as often as they write af gpeak on it Let us look to the authorities on rtjj Tery subject—the Corn Laws . At the prejent moment , we bare a nobleman whose son now mpesrs before you as a candidate , whose private cha-^ rter wb must respe « t—my Lord Fitxwilliam , who wj , taken a prominent and leading part in the attack , n these laws . ( Cheers . ) What does he tell us ? fbat if these laws were repealed , yon would not have jam cheaper than at present ; that the farmer need jiot be afraid , because the price of corn would re--uin the same as at present A pamphlet has been
-rritten by Mr . M'CuHoeh , another of these great gathorities , and what does he say ? He says the same Iking . ( Shouts of " What do you say ? " ) He attempts jo proTB that there would be no reduction in the nee of corn . Then we have Mr . Yilliers , an advo-% Xt for the repeal of the Corn Laws , and certainly so partizan of ours—wbfct does he say ? He says that tee sole object is to reduce wages . ( Disapprobation . ) Be says that wages must be reduced in order to enable rir manufacturers to compete with our rivals . Another authority , no less esteemed , Colonel Torrens , who has given his life to the consideration of these subjects , says on the contrary , you would get nothing from it , because it would raise wages , and raise rents . Is this , then , a question on which any Government is
justified in attempting to impose on the great mass of tie people ? ( He * r . ) I contend that the attempt u BoUiiB £ else ihaji an eleefcioneeriag clap-trap . And for this reason . When we look back to the history of the CroTemment , we find that "for eleven years they proposed nothing on this subject , but not only that , for tre find the first Minister of the country , the prinepal organ 0 f the Government , has more than once declared in the most positive terms against the change In March , 1 S 39 , he used these words : — " When you find , " isaid be ) " my noble friend Eari Fitzwilliam proposing to leave the whole agricultural interest ¦ without protection , I declare before God , I think it the wildest and the maddest scheme that ever sntered into the imagination of man to coneeive , and
ft is my opinion that it is not wise to depend on foreign countries for a supply of food . " This , gentlemen , Is the anertion . of Lord Melbourne not nore than two years since , bat he comes a little nearer than that , for it was only last year that he said , when it was urged you will be able to get an increase of trade , in consequence of the repeal of the Corn Laws , what did he say to it ? He said , " you will never get into the markets of the continent whether you repeal the Orn Laws or not" These are the sentiments expressed by Lord Melbourne , and I say when a government , having' treated this question in this style , for eleven years , and now when it is known to be at the last gasp of hi existence , throwing overboard the principles it had expresed before , on the eve of its dissolution putting
forward these measures . In reference to the retiremeat of Sir Geo . Strickland , the Hon Speaker asked , why has he been withdrawn ? Was it because he wanted to retire from parliament ? No such thing . He does not want to retire from Parliament At this moment he , your old and Radical representative , Sir George Strickland , is engaged in a popular contest for Preston , in Lancashire . Why did he not fight in the battls here instead of at Preston ? ( Cries of " question , question . ' ) It is because my Noble Friend here , to whom I have the greatest possible respect , is to bring the great infinence of his noble house into the contest He is to serve the purpose of a budget in Yorkshire . He , Gentlemen , is our Yorkshire budret , and he is brought here to produce the same
effect as the Government sought to produce by their budget He is to carry it by the influence of his noble bouse . It is in order that the deficiency of influeBce of Sir george Strickland may be supplied , and in order to obtain enough mw . Ktanw > for the electors to win the election . Gentlemen , allow me then to state my views of the Corn Laws . My firm belief is , and I proclaim it without hesitation , that a material reduction or repeal of those duties would have the effect of distressing and nixing the agricultural community of these countries ( Disapprobation . ) It is not , then , for the interests ef the country at large . I as speaking to the manufacturer * . I deny that even the manufacturers would gain by such a consequence , and I will tell yon how I prove it I do not t . hiny it is the interest of any man
to thrive , if he should thrive by ruining his neighbour . But , Gentlemen , I deny that he would even thrive . ( Cries ef " Its the aristocracy that thrives . ") We must recollect that large portions of land in this countrythe brother of Lord John Russell said no less than two Billions of acres—are not susceptible of profitable cultivation , except under a protection . If those lands were thrown out of cultivation , what must necessarily follow ? Why , the cultivators must be ruined , their labourers would be thrown ont of employment , and what it to become of this mass of labourers ? I do not speak this on my own authority . I will take an authority certainly not aristocratic—the Radical Member for Birmingham , Mr . Muntz . Did he not tell you , and surely he has no bias to the aristocratic landowners , that the
repeal of the Corn Laws was a mere delusion , and that the infallible effect must be to reduce the rate of wages ? { Great disapprobation . ) And I will tell you another authority , ind that is , a member of the Chartist body , who has lately printed a letter to his associates . Those gentlemen »*» Tw < tng near me , I doubt not know both the name and the individual . Mr . Hick has lately published a letter , and in that letter you will find the most explicit assertions of the same kind , and that the repeal of the Cora Laws would not be for the benefit of the working classes . The fact is not even concealed by the advocates of repeal . What do you hear from the ManchPXtCT Chamber of Commerce ? What does Mr . Yilliers tell us ? That the object of tbe xepetl of the Corn Ian is to cheapen
nuanfaetnred goods . I will ask any man here of common sense how the repeal of the Corn Laws is to cheapen manufactured goods , except by reducing wages ? The consequence is inevitable . It would take place in this way . There is a superabundance of labour , as you all well know , in the manufacturing districts of this ewuniry . Tou know that there are more labourers than there is employment far . So long as there are superluous labourers , wages will fall accordingly . If you can prove to me—if you can shew to me , that there is a sufficient supply of labour here at present , and that persons cannot obtain operatives and artisans enough for their manufactories , I will bs silent and drop the argument . But I am perfectly aware if the supply and demand are in sneh proportion as to render the
supply insufficient for the demand , you will get better wages together with your cheap loaf . So long as one labourer is superabundant , the reduction in the price of labour muit take place , according to the rate of sustenance . Let us not forget another effect that must aggravate this consequence . It is infallibly true , that if large portions of land are thrown ont of cultivation , the population of those districts must seek employment here . If they do not go back to the Union workhouses , they must , as they have done before , come here to find employment . 2 am not even b « re talking without authority . I am able to tell y * u -where tbe thing actually occurred a short time since . There was a great superabundance of labour , or supposed to be bo , in tbe South of England . Certain masters , Messrs . Ash worth .
in one of the manufacturing towns in Lancashire , who thought that they could get labour cheaper by sending to these agricultural counties , did send for them , ana these labourers were actually brought into Lancashire . What was the result ? It had an effect on the rate ef wages , and if the opposition on the part of the operatives of the country had not been so determined , as it turned out to be , these persons would have occupied the places of the manufacturing labourers , and wages would have been reduced . Once more . If I do not support this assertion by argument , I am content that you should think it a mere dap-trap . I have one word more on this subject Look to examples elsewhere , and why , I want to know , are you to suppose this favoured country is to be exempt from the fate of
those where labour is superabundant , and food cheap , and where the universal consequence is a reduction in the rate of wages , and the standard of living of the labourer . I speak again on authority—an authority which will not be suspected—that of Mr . Gregg , of Manchester . In his evidence before an inquiry in the House of Commons , he stated that from inquiries he had made as to the rate of wages of different countries where corn was cheap , the wages were 6 ^ d a-day . 1 Cries of "America . " ) We know that those labourers live on different scale or standard of sustenance ; they feed net on wheaten bread , but on black rye bread , and inferior vegetables . Every body who has been in those countries knows that that is the common food of the labourer . ( Another cry of "America , " ) I will touch upon that in a moment In a comparatively prosperous country—France , where you would imagine , that though they have Corn Laws they would be better oft In a report presented to Government a short time past , it was
ieli-• erately stated , that scarcely a third ef tbe population of that country eat wbeaten bread . I will tell you htw it is in America . In Att" ^** , we must recollect , in the list instance , that than are inTmTt" * teaets of fiaa u-• Bhivaisd , unoccupied moiL The Americans bare ¦ Burnous tracts of soil , * ot only ano »** pied , knt extremely fertile , and therefore , of eomrse , the supply of corn is abundant Whenever aey nan can show me n this country , large extensive tracts of the same kind , fertile and unoccupied , then I will say you may repeal the Corn Laws , and you will get aa abundant supply here . I will tell you somethisg more on this subject of America . In spite of the abundant supply , in spite of -he great resources they possess , perhaps you are not aware that at this very moment the people of the United States have a duty on tbe import of foreign corn nigher than that now proposed by the Government of this countoy . It was only a few months since the Pre-¦ ident of tht United States—tbe chief magistrate of
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.- ! * » great republic , told his fellow-countrymen , is a written address , prepared with great care , that he thought it the doty of every country ts see that it did aot depend on foreign countries for the supply of food . E . B . DENISON , Esq ., then presented himself , and was received with uproarious cheering from his supporters , and with some hissing from the Liberal party . He said that during the eleven years whieh the Whigs have been in office , the Noble Lord ( Morpeth ) has been a Member of the Queen ' s Government for a considerable time . H « appeals to you in his own defenee and that of his fellow statesmen , and he asks you to sead him again to Parliament one of the vaunting champions of the cause which he advocates . (<¦ We wont have him , " followed by cries of " We will . " )
Permit me jurt to call your attention to a common sense question . Try the Government » y what they have promised and by what they have done , and if , on a calm and dispassionate review of this proposition you find them worthy of your support , then , in God ' s name , return my opponents to Parliament , and send us about our business . ( Shouts of " We wilL ") But I will not believe that Yorkshiremen will be so gulled . I know perfectly well that the great majority of you are in the habit of looking into your ledgers , of casting up your accounts , and of taking stock . at the end of the year , in o ^ ler to see whether your affairs are in a satisfactory state or not , and I also know perfectly well that you are in the habit of calling your managers and chief clerks to account , if you find they have been minmnTmg ing your busin as . ( Hear , hear . ) What did those who
compose the Government commence their public career by promising yon ? First of all , they said that pesee was to reign throughout the world under their beneficent rule . ' ( Laughter . ) Well , have they kept their word ? ( No . ) Why , they themselves fomented a rebellion in Canada . ( Cheers . ) They have been very nearly at war with every European power , and they are now prosecuting a war in China , which nobody in the world knows how it will end . ( Hear , hear . ) The standing army i * larger than they found it The naval establishment is more expensive thuw it was , and all these expenses have been created by their own absurd acts and deeds . ( Cheers . ) And still , notwithstanding this , - the electors of the West Riding are appealed to by a Government which , a few years ago , was so popular that it could command almost any
majority in the House of Commons , which could every night raise tbe laugh against its opponents , and turn them into ridicule . ( Hear , hear . ) But how has the tide changed ! ( Hear , hear . ) We have seen these majorities gradually dwindle down to nothing , and at last they are in a minority en the m « st vital question that can ever be discussed in the House of Commons—I mean the question of confidence . ( Loud cheers . Yet , -notwithstanding this , instead of retiring like gentlemen—( cheers )—when they found they could not longer carry on the government , they say— " No , we will appeal to the electors of Great Britain , and we will appeal to their passions and not to their cemmon sense . " ( Cheers and cries of " No , no . " ) They throw out the bait of cheap corn , cheap sugar , and cheap timber , and they are attemping to gull the people by
what I will call their humbug of free trade . ( Cheers and hissing . ) Why , Gentlemen , they arrogate to themselves all the credit of free trade . Why , will they tell me of one article in which we bava free trade . Is a fixed gnty of eight shillings per quarter on com free trade . (•• No , no . ") Do they tell me that it is free trade when they propose a reduction on sugar of 27 s . or 29 s . a ewt ? ( " No , no . " ) Is tnatfree trade ? I" No , no . ") They propose to alter the duties on timber . Is that free trade ? <•• No , no . " ) Then away with their hnmbug , for it is nothing else . ( Cheers . ) Who was the eriginal author of an alteration and modification of the protective duties ? Why , the man whom they so often quote , Mr . Huskisson . ( Hear , hear . ) He was a Tory . He led the van with respect to the modification of the restrictive system . He was supported
¥ y Sir Robert Peel , followed by Lord Stanley—( Hisses )—and backed by Mr . Goulbnrn . ( Hear , bear . ) The Whigs promised you retrenchment and economy . Have they fulfilled the promise ? ( Cries of " Nb , no , " and " Yes , yes . ") Their predecessors left them in office with a surplus of two millions , besides having paid off a portion of the national debt ( Hear , hear . ) In what situation are they now ? Why , notwithstanding that they ' have been bolstered up by the editors of the Leeds Mercury , those celebrated financial doctors—( cheers aad laughter)—we find that at tbe end of ton or eleven yean , during which the sinews ef every man whom I now see before me have been exerted to the utmost , they find themselves in a woful deficiency ,
which is almost an annual one , for it has existed for three or four years , besides not having paid off a single fraction of-the pnblic debt , but , on tbe coatrarv , rather added to it ( Cheers . ) I say , try them by what they have done , aad if you think that the mode in which they have conducted the affairs of the country is such as you would wish to have your own affairs conducted , then send our opponent * back to Parliament ( Shouts of " Never . " ) But what else did the Whigs promise ? They promised to govern without patronage . ( Laughter . ) Why , of all the men that ever existed , they have exercised the most patronage . They have created offices out of count , and they have endeavoured to thrust every one of their dependents into them .
Mr . BRIGGS , a Chartist , next introduced to the meeting Mr . George Julian Barney , not as an esquirenot as one of the aristocracy—but as a -man whose conduct had always met the approbation ef his feilowmen . Mr . HEAPS for some time caused an interruption , by his desire to put some questions to the previous speaker , and Mr . Harney made one or two unsuccessful attempts to proceed . Between Mr . Heaps and Mr . Gardner , and the Chartist chairman also , some warm expressions were exchanged—Mr . Gardner applying to Mr . Heaps the tena blackguard . The confusion con tinned for some minutes , and Mr . H&tton St&nsfeld made the matter worse by his " interfereace .
Mr . HARNEY at length proceeded . He said be appeared before them as a working man , younger than any others of either party . He was unblessed with that liberal education , which they had had the good fortune to receive , and be hoped they would bear with him for any imperfections of manner his address might possess—he asked no favour for the matter . The gentlemen who had preceded him , had addressed them as the freeholders and electors of the West Riding , whilst they appeared to have forgotten that there was such a body as the non-electors in existence . ( Cheers . ) He appeared before them at the request of thousands ef non-electors . He wouM rather bare seen an oider man , one of more experience , in his situation ; bat be bad consented to be brought forward at the reqest of his friends , and for hem be woald go through the work which they had
put into his hands . He was attached to neither of the parties which had already addressed them , though perhaps he could tell something to both of them , while he would flatter neither . ( Cheers . ) The Noble Lord ( Mcrpeth ) had said that there was an era approaching ing in thepolitics of this country , and he ( Mr . Harney ) could assure him that there was an era close at hand when the vrarking classes would be represented—when they " would ba no longer coritent without the Suffrage being conferred upon them . He had taken notes of what the Nobls Lord had said , and he owed it to the meeting that he should make sune comments on his speech . Tfie Noble Lord occupied a large portion of tneir time-m praising himself and the other members of the Governmeni for their patriotism and philanthropy , words which he thought sounded very s'rangely when
used by a Whig . [ A shower of ram here began to descend , which rendered the task of folio wing of Mr . H . im possible . ] A gentleman on the platform handed to Mr . H . an umbrella , and he proceeded with his address , castigating tbe Whigs , laying bare their sophistries , and exposing them to the public gaze in all their hideous deformity . He said they had come out as advocates of free trade only at the eleventh hour , -when they could find no other subterfi . ge likely to keep them in office , advocating to-day what they repudiated yesterday , and conceding to expediency wi ^ at they had almost in the same breath denied on principle . If they were sincere in their desire to repeal or alter the sngar duties now , why did they bring their official iLfluence to bear , in order to defeat Mr . Evrart on the same question last Tear ? ( Cheering . ) He then alluded to the increase of
population -which had taken place , not only in Great Britain , but in ( ierminy , and contended that the Germaas having established manufactures , would not break them up now to take our surplus products ; if , therefore , thfi Government were sincere in their desire to establish free trade , they should have come out with it a little sooner—( cheers)—should have shown a little more Ltal and greater alacrity in the cause of that people whom they now professed so much ¦ willingness to serve , and whose interests were "with them , now it served their purpose , above every other consideration He should like to know where were the Whigs in 1810 , when the people w » re sabred at Manchester for meeting to petition Parliament for a reform in the representation of the- ^ fiople . ( Cries of " Tfcat was the Tories ; and great cheering . ) Yes , he knew the Tories were in
power ; he was not so ignorant of the history of his country as not to know thst—he was almost old enough to remember it ; but he knew also that it was the Hon . Mr . Lamb , the preseBt Lord Melbourne , the head of her Majesty's Government , who moved the thanks the House of Commons to the Cheshire Ytomaury on that occasion . ( Hear , hear . ) He regretted as much as any "" the loss of our foreign trade , and compared the exports and imports in 1689 , when there were no barracks , no bastiles , no rural police , and no inclosure acts to r » s the poor of their right to the soil , with those of the present period . The speaker was assailed witbtxelanations that be was a Tory tool ; and to this h * replied that if he was , he was afraid the Tories would find him a very poor tool ; and not worth their purchase ; at any rate h » eould assure them that he was
sharp eao « £ Si to cut toth ways , and was very glad to kzow that be was art a Whig tooL ( L&agtxter and cheers . ; He continued ; be was speaking of the trade of the country . England now traded with fifty or sixty foreign states—her merchants were traders to all parts of the world , while the working classes were worse off than at any former period . And what was the cause ef this ? It was because they had now a national debt of eight hundred millions , they had now a most enormous civil list , they had low a long parade of useless pensions an 4 sinecures , they had the rural police , the poor law bastiles , and other Whig blessings unknown in former periods of our history , which impoverished the millions , and benefitted only the few who traded in hmman spoiL ( Hear , hear , and great cheering . ) Those men would sell the working classes
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themselves—they would not car * if at this moment they were sacrificed to their unholy gain . ( Cheers . ) The speaker then went on to contend that a repeal of the Corn Laws would not benefit the working classes ; he showed that before there was any Corn Law imposed there was more wages paid in the manufacturing districts , but that , notwithstanding the increase of trade which had taken place , there had not been a corres ponding increase of manual toil , its place having been supplied fcy an increased quantity of improved machinery . Some person had said that he was a Tory tool : he cared not for that cry ; for he could assure them , which ever party spoke the truth , whether Whig or Tory , should have his support ( Cheers . ) He agreed with all that had fallen from Mr . Worthy on the
subject of the Corn Laws—( cheers)—he fully agreed that a repeal of the Corn Laws only meant a reduction of wages ; nevertheless the repealers were determined they should have a big loaf whether they would or not ; the big loaf was to be crammed down their throat whether they would or not , as it had been at Manchester , with the truncheons of the Whig police . ( Cheers , and some Interruption . ) He had tbe authority of a paper printed at Leeds for this—a paper which on some occasions professed to be a Whig and something more , on others , a Radical and something more , and when a purpose was to be served , was a Republican and something morethat paper asserted that the repealers were preparing staves to use against the Chartists in Hudderafield on that day . All he could say was , let them try it on .
( Cheers , and continued confusion , during whicb , Mr . Haraey said he would take his time , and assured them , the more interruption he experienced , the longer he should be . ) Lord Morpeth had been asked a question about the Poor Laws , but he had not given an answer ; in fact , the Noble Lord contrived to be as brief as possible on the subject He said that Ministers were desirous to give such alterations as would enable them to dispense with the Poor Laws altogetb . tr ; he had no doubt they wished to do this ; be had no doubt that the present Poor Law was intended as a preparatory step to abolishing Poor Laws altogether . The speaker then entered into a review of the measures proposed by Government , to show that they were not calculated to answer the ends for which
they were proposed—that they would not at all benefit the working classes . The alteration in the timber duties would make a reduction of about Bix shillings in the cost of the erection of a cottage , even if a poor man could afford to build one , and ' what a saving the interest of six shillings a year would be to him ! ( Hear , bear . ) With regard to sngar , it was stated that tbe saving would probably be to the extent of one penny a pound . But he sheuld like to know how much even of that sum would go into the pockets of the poor , after it had passed through two or three wholesale dealers' hands . ( Hear , hear . ) The repeal of tbe Corn Laws was got up t « delude the people with the fallacious cry of cheap bread , while Mr . M'Culloeh , the Whig authority , proved that under no circumstances
could we have wheat lower than 56 s . per quarter—a boon which he did not think they would feel it necessary to spend their energies in obtaining . But whether these things were productive of benefit to the working class or not , they must be adopted in order to raise the revenue ; not to increase the comforts of tbe poor , not because he had any interest in the matter , but because the revenue was sinking , and they must consequently have it speedily replenished , which resolved itself to just this , that more labour must be wrung from the toiling millions . ( Hear , hear . ) He hoped they would inquire into these things before they gave their support to the Whigs . The speaker then went on to inquire how the deficiency in tbe revenue had been caused , and contrasted the difference between
the income and expenditure by the Whig and Tory Administration , the latter of whom left up wards of two millions in the Exchequer , which the former had wasted besides increasing tbe the national debt by several millions more . Tkis he contended they had done by engaging in unnecessary and dishonourable wars , by excessive expenditure on Poor Law commissions and bastiles , and the rural police . Two millions had been spent in Spain , one million in Canada , a large sum had been spent in Egypt , another in Syria , and more still in China , in a war of which no one could see the end , but which must terminate in disgrace and ruin . ( Cheers . ) In 1832 , they were told the Reform Bill was to work wonders ; the Whigs promised that it should be a stepping stone to other measures until universal justice prevailed throughout the land . Every promise had been broken , and the fruits of reform had been tbe accursed new Poor Law and the Rural Police . But when tbe people took their afiain into their own
hands , as the Whigs had advised them to do , they had turned round upon them and spent thousands of pounds in prosecuting Chartist leaders . This had helped them to make their deficiency ; but they had done something else . They had sent their constabulary police to Birmingham , Manchester , and all tha manufacturing districts to put down the legal assemblages of the people ; they had sent well paid spies and hired traitors amongst tbe people to entrap them into acts of violence , and then to betray them to their oppressors , emulating the wont features of Toryism , and exceeding in atrocity the acts of Sidmouth and Castlere&gh , He ould go on farther still , but it was enough ; there was a deficiency in the revenue , and the Noble Lord bad told them that it must be supplied either in the manner whieh the Whigs had now proposed , or by laying on more taxes . But he could tell the Noble Lord of another mode of supplying the deficiency . His mode would not add to the burthens of the
people . ( Hear . ) Let the Neble Lord reduce his own salary to £ 1 , 009 a year . ( Great cheering , and an " unutterable" look from Lord Morpeth , who did not seem at all to relish the allusion to his own salary . ) Then let all his colleagues reduce theirs to the same standard . ( Great cheering . ) The hand-loom weavers hadhad their wages reduced 20 , 30 , and 40 per cent , over and over again ; and if the Ministers would reduce their's in proportion , they night have both reduced wages and reduced taxation , and no deficiency would exist in the revenue . ( Great cheering . ) They might reduce also pensions and sinecures ; knock off 410 or 500 generals ; and when they bad carried retrenchment as far as they could , and carried out Reform to its full extent , they might fully carry
out the principles of the New Poor Law , and throw the aristocracy , as they had thrown the people , on their own resources . ( Hear , and cheers . ) Mr . Harney went on at great length , castigating the Whigs most unmercifully , for the snail-like pace at which they advanced their measures , and exposing further their shallow subterfuge of cheap bread . He then commented on the speeches which had been delivered by the Hon . John R Wortley and Mr . Beckett Ddnison , and complained that neither of these gentlemen , whilst stating the evils under which the country laboured , had propounded a remedy . He freely gave his opinion of the Tories , and said the wont measure they had been guilty of was la supporting the Whigs in all their worst measures . He had no faith or confidence
m either party—he stood aloof from them both . He advised the people to depend on themselves , and to stand by their own order , as the only way in which they could be delivered from the tyranny under which they had so long groaned . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) The Whigs had violated their past promises , and he would not trust them again . The Tories made no promises at all ; but judging from their past conduct , if they were to come into power to-morr * w they would only aet as they had done previously , and hb would therefore serve both parties alike , and throw
them both overboard . His remedy for all was Universal Suffrage , to place all upon a footing of political equality , and to give every nan a voice in making the laws which he had to obey . There could tLen be no cause of complaint On these principles he came forward to offer himself as a candidate for their suffrages ; he solicited their confidence , promising that be would exercise the trust lor the well-being « f the whole country . He thanked them for the comparative attention with which he bad been heard , and retired amidst loud aud long-continued cheering .
THE BOROUGH CANDIDATES . J . G . MARSHALL , Esq ., introduced Mr . HUME , who was loudly cheered by his party , the Whigs making a sort of constrained effort to evince the cordiality ^ of their joy . He began by Baying that , having been called forward as a candidate , be now appeared to state his opinions , and to say that , if elected , he would devote his services to the cause . He complained that three of the speeches he had heard were evidently intended to call away the attention of the meeting from the real questions to be discussed therenamely , the remedies for tbe prevalent distress . That remedy was to lighten taxation . He made efforts to induce Government to raise the deficiency in tbe revenue by placing the descent of landed property on tbe same footing as personal property ; and he went into an extended statement to show the hardships of the legacy
duties ; and called the Tories robbers and plunderers on the ground of what BiJJy Pitt had done , The industry of the country , he said , paid seventy-four per cent of the whole taxation . He was in favour of the plan proposed by &overamentwfor making up the revenue . ^ Lord JOCELYN , haviDg been introduced bj John Howard , Esq ., replied to the speeches of Morpeth and Hume , on the free trade question , in & speech of about an average Tory merit . He insisted that no case of reciprocity , justifying the application of their principles , had been made ent by the free traders ; that th » preference of foreign to colonial sugar would be an encouragement to slave labour , and consequently stultifying all the ooble exertioBS of the Briuek people against slavery . H » denounced the New Poor Law , and supported the Church Establishment .
Mr . BROOK said he had the honour to name to them a gentteniaa who , though a comparative stranger , had made himself knawn to xtaay -who trere then present by bis excellent speech « n tbe preceding evening . He then introduced Mr . JAMES WILLIAMS , who stood forward , and was received in a manner which at once showed that , though a stranger to a luge portion of the assembly , the principles whieh he was there to advocate were reciprocated by the thousands of the " hard hatfds , fustian jackets , and unshorn chins , " by whom he was stirrountied . The enthusiastic cheering having subsided , he commenced his address by Baying , that in appearing before them be had net the qualifications to offer to which the other gentlemen who had addressed them could lay claim . He did not , like my Lords Morpeth and Milton , claim their suffrages on tie ground
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that ha was of ancient family ; he csald not trace bis ancestry centuries back ; nor could he , like J . S . Wortley , offer himself » th « owner of a thousand acres , nor like Mr . Beckett Bennlsonw one orthe aristocracy of wealth;—nor could he , like Lord Jocelyn , offer himself to their notice as one who bad travelled over most parts of the habitable globe ; he had not the qualifications of a Captain Cook , whioh by-the-bye were not the necessary qualifications of a legislator ; be could not , like the Noble Lord , boast his acquaintance with tbe form of a Chinese hat , or the shape of a Chinese lady ' s foot , yet he was willing to subject himself to a scrutiny as that which the Noble Lord had received from the lady h * had seen behind the lattice work in the city of Chuson . ( Laughter . ) He had not fought side by side in China , with Captain Elliott , the man
who was troubled with a palpitation at the heart ( Laughter . ) He eould n * t boast of all these ; but although personally unknown he had claims to offer whieh he trusted would be recognised as superior to any which his competitors had put forward . ( Hear , hear and cheers . ) He stood there as the advocate of the unlimited freedom of trade , the abolition of all monopolies—( hear)—and most of all , tbe abolition of that monstrous monopoly , the source of all other monopolies , the monopoly of law making . ( Hear , aad loud cheers . ) He called attention to the admissions made by his opponents generally , of the existence of great and crying evils , though they had forgotten to point out tbe remedy . He would select the mottoes of Lord Morpeth , on which he would found the few observations he should make . His Lordship said that " true
selflove and social was the same . " In this he entirely agreed ; what was good for a part is , or ought to be , good for all classes . His Lordship had next observed , that such was the selfishness of human nature , that each individual was disposed irhen practicable to promote his own interests without reference to others , and to suppose that which filled his purse ought to be sanctioned by those principles . Now , on those propositions of the Noble Lord , he founded those views on which he rested his claims to their support . These principles were that each member of the state ought to be invested with that political power which was needful to protect him against the selfishness of others . ( Hear , and cheers . ) This , if conceded , being an act of justice to all , was consistent with the truest honour and highest happiness to all . ( Cheers . ) He
then alluded to statements made by Mr . Hearne , Catholic priest of Manchester , and also by Mr . Hume , as to the existence of distress throughout the country ; and passed from that to the state and prospects of trade , advocating , as he went on , the views held by the Chartists , and contended that until their principles were the law of the land , it was ( useless to attempt either different measures or fresh taxes to benefit the revenue . The alteration in the corn , sugar , and timber duties could not possibly and materially benefit the country , even if attainable , which , without representative changes , they were not ; and whether or not , they were utterly insufficient to rescue the country from the perilous position in which it was placed . ( Cheers . ) He ridiculed the Whigs f « r having brought forward these measures on the spur of the moment ,
measures on which , twelve months ago , they held quite contrary opinions , but then perhaps their judgments were not sufficiently matured to enable them to judge . Misery and starvation were staring them in the face at every turn , and yet tkey did not attempt to reduce the immense expenditure of the country , which Lord Morpeth had said must be maintained in its integrity , and yet he acknowledged it was impossible to increase the income by any additional taxes . ( Hear , hear . ) There was another course which appeared to have escaped the attention of the Noble Lord , whicb was the only practical , and rational course by which they could extricate themselves from their present difficulties . Let them discharge the supernumerary officers in the army and navy—( hear , hear );—let them reduce the salaries ef those really necessary —( hear ,
hear)to an amount corresponding to the value of their services , setting the example by reducing their own salaries first —( hear , and cheers ) ;—let sinecures , and pensions be abolished , and a tax on property substituted for all other taxes . ( Cheers . ) That was the way to get out of their financial difficulties ( Great cheering . ) He had heard national education alluded to , and was told , when a poor man asked for the suffrage , that he was not sufficiently intelligent He put it to them whether they could understand the addresses which had been delivered by the college-bred gentlemen who had preceded him ; if they could , then he would say they could understand perfectly how to manage their own , and would know how to manage the franchise if it were conferred upon them . ( Cheers . ) How inconsistently tbe legislature dealt with the people ;
they allowed them the right of sending for a physician or a surgeon when ill , when life , the most valuable of all possessions , was in peril , but did not require as a qualification for that right , that they should be profoundly versed in the science of medicine or surgery . ( Hear , hear . ) They were not required to have a profound acquaintance with theology to entitle them to choose their own religious instructors ; and yet he would ask the gentlemen , if they did not regard religion and religious instruction as the most important of all concerns . ( Hear , hear , and loud cheering . ) Why , then , deny the people the right t « choose their own law makers ? ( Hear , hear . ) The want of this right was a great evil ; and he would do all be eould to secure to all who live under the institutions of the country a voice in the making of the laws by which they were
to be governed . Mr . Hume was for expediency ; for givjng them an instalment , and for step by step reform , while he would resist all greater reforms . It was the policy of the aristocracy to resist the introduction of the wedge as long as they could ; how absurd then to suppose that they would permit the people to obtain instalments , which it was avowed were intended to be used to extort more extensive changes , destructive to the existence of tbe aristocracy ; but the people werq determined to raise the banner of equal rights , that justice might be done to all . He was , therefore , for the Charter , the most comprehensive and the most practical measure ever propounded , and for this he hoped they would assist him , and to support this he hoped they would return him . The speaker was repeatedly cheered during his address , end retired amidst much applause .
Mr . ALDAM , who was introduced by William Smith , Esq .. amused the meeting for some time with an enumeratiou of his claims to their electoral support ; the chief of which were , that his father had been a tradesman 30 years ; that he , Mr . A ., had travelled ; that he bad been at York and Darlington ; that he had l > een at College , and that he was three years older than Lord Jocelyn . WILLIAM BECKETT , Esq ., was received with great cheering and some expressions of dissent . When the applsuse had subsided , he said , Gentlemen , I delight in tbe expressions of your approbation . ( Cheers . ) I respect those marks of your dissent—( a laugh )—because , Gentlemen , it proves to me that in the discharge of your important duties as electors of this Borough , you are aware of the responsibility of those
duties—( bear , hear )—it shows to me you know what depends upon yourselves—( cheers )—and that you are determined , without fear of favour , to exercise those duties in an independent manner . ( Loud cheers . ) Gentlemen , it is my misfortune to have come last in this long list of speakers we have had , so that I really am at a loss to say any thin ; new that would either captivate your senses or instruct your minds . ( Hear ) You have heard much already ; the previous speakers have travelled to almost every part of the globe . ( A laugh and cheers . ) But there is one thing which I think has rather been overlooked by them . We are met here to oonsnlt for Leeds people—( bear , bear )—and to consult for Leeds interests—( hear );—that I thimk has been in some degree forgotten . ( Cheers . ) Gentlemen , I can only appear here before you in the
humble character of a Leeds tradesman like yourselves . ( Heur . ) I have no extensive knowledge to boast—I have no claims on your attention from parliamentary experience—I have only to offer you the remarks ot that common sense which I have msed hitherto in private life , and to promise the application of it to public subjects . ( Applause . ) But it will be with me a consideration of importance , that in the exercise of thst judgment I shall follow an independent course . ( Cheers . ) I will look neither to one side aor another—( cheers )—but pursue that line of conduct which I consider to be right and proper . ( Loud cheers . ) My duty , then , in standing here before you , is to Bhew that it is my intention to consult the interests of the whole body ef the people . ( Loud cheering . ) I maintain that neither the interests of the landlord , nor those of the
fundholder , n « r the moneyhokler can ever be successful —they can never be kept in prosperity unless we also consider the contentment and good condition ef tbe working classes . ( CLeers . ) Now , I think it is my duty to say , in coming before you now , that no man is more deeply sensible of the distress that prevails—( hear )—and no man more deeply laments it or feels it more than I do . ( Cheers . ) But whatever may be said about the Com Laws , or the repeal of the Corn Laws , nothing shall prevent me from telling you what my opinions are with respect to our present deplorable conditiom . ( Cheers . ) 1 do not attribate our present distress to the operation of the Com Law . ( Hear , and disapprobation . ) The cause of the present distress iB not a new one ; it has prevailed here , I am sorry to say , for years , and I appeal to every gentleman on these hustings whether we have not been gradually getting worse and worse . ( Cheera ) Don't imagine that J am easting blame upon individuals or Governments in speaking thus . ( Hear . ) It is my duty to state that I
have long seen that we are getting into a worse condition . New to account for the cause of that distress , la th » firs * place , let me tell you that oar trade has beea , from a variety of circumstaaoes , vnduly excited . ( Cheers . ) We have made more goods than we can sell . Tne power of production has overtaken the power of consnmptfon . ( Cheers . ) And , Gentlemen , until we recover the jus * balance between the two , you and we ramst suffer . ( Cheers . ) Now , Gentlemen , if that be the cause , I'll tell you why it is . There has been an undue application of capital , which has given an undue impulse to trade ; the monetary system has been employed too far . Gentlemen , there has been too much capital—( cheers)—the bankers have been too free ; we have opened the money-drawers too much—there has been too much machinery built . ( Cheers . ) Gentlemen , the beam of the steam-engine has snade too many strokes —( cheers )—the fly-wheel has made too many revolutions , and it is only this shock which we are now undergoing , under which we now suffer , that can bring us to anything like a healthy
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state . ( Hear aad cheers . ) Whatever the consequences of these opinions may be , they are nj honest opinions —and I am ready and determined to state , them and support them everywhere . ( Cheers . ) Now , I do tell yott that the trade of this country has been unduly excited . How has it been met by any of the markets * which have been spoken of . Would any gentleman on the hustings say that the lamentable state of the American market was not tbe cause ef the present distress ? ( No , no , " the Corn Laws . " ) I appeal to the gentlemen who differ with me in opinion , to consider the present condition of the American markets ; and I desire them to consider what those markets have been , and what they are at present . ( Cheers ) That is one source of the present depressed condition of our trade , and deeply do I lament that it is so . I appeal to gentlemen
who are acquainted with the circumstances , whether , it the trade , which has for a few years back gene on with that country , bad continued , we should have been in the condition in whieh we are at present ( Applause ) The home trade , too , has not been so sjood as usual , in consefuence of our not having had good harvests for two or three years . When I deplore the consequences of these bad harvests , I behold with pleasure the gleam of prosperity which is now beginning to spread over the cloudy horizon of our commercial affairs—( cheers —and I look at the consequences of a good harvest as of more benefit to the people of this country than any change of Administration . —( Load applause . ) We are told that the repeal or alteration of the Corn Law will be a panacea for all our present evils , and that will bring us trade . ( Cheers . ) Now , Gentlemen ,
I dispute that , and I'll give you my reasons . ( Cheers . ) In reference to as alteration of the Corn Law , it is contended that we shall introduce foreign corn , aud if foreign corn is eaten in this country in place of home grain . ( A voice , " Eat them both . " ) Bat we have enough . ( Tremendous cheering . ) A gentleman on my left reminds me that we have both—we have had both , and I wish to continue both . But ; Gentlemen , stick first to English agriculture , and then go to foreign agriculture . I say to yon , stick fast to English agriculture . ( Cheering . ) I am sorry to say that words were used this day by a gentleman on these hustings which are not creditable to the gentleman who made use of them . ( Cheers . ) He called the landlords of this country monopolists . ( Laughter . ) It is strange tome that it should be left to a commercial man like myself to
defend the character of the agriculturists of this country . ( Hear . ) But I will not shrink from that duty . ( Cheers . ) Why do I ask yon to stick to English agriculture ? I'll prove that it is your interest 111 prove that it is to the interest of the working man to do it . New , I am not going to make assertions without giving you proof . Upon what terms are we treated by those misnamed monopolists the landowners of this country ? What do the landowners get from agriculture in this country ? I tell you that upon an average the wheat land of this country does not pay more than 24 s . an acre to the landlords who possess it . ( Oh !' i No man who lays ont his money in land can get mere than three per cent , for his money . ( Applause . ) The consequence is this , that we have the use of the whole capital of the agriculturists of this kingdom— 'the landlords , the owners of the soil—we
have it at the low rate of return of three per cent Now , I ask you if there is a manufacturer among us that has ever received so low a rate of interest on bis capital as three per cent ? ( Hear , hear . ) But again , look at the condition of tbe tenant The tenant , it is calculated , has about five pounds an acre for capital laid out , in what I call the moveable machinery of agriculture ; after his toil and labour , and the expences of seed and other things , he gets—what do you think ? He gets not more than five per cent Then comes the labourer ; and he gets no more than twelve shillings a week . Do you grudge him that ? Do you say that that is too much ? No , you are Englishmen , and you do not grudge that small remuneration . ( Cheers and cries of " lower the rents . " ) . How can the rent be made lower ? I want to disabuse your minds ; and it was
the duty of those who addressed you upon the subject of the Corn Laws to have told you how the matter stood in all its bearings . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Many able arguments have been used—many books have been written—many discourses have been delivered on this subject ; but I do say this , that from the beginning to the end , it bos been a one-sided argument—( hear , bear , and cheers )—and yon have not been told the expences which attend the agriculture of this country , in comparison with tkat which la expended by foreigners . ( What will you do to relieve us ?) Let me tell you what is the matter first ( Hear . ) If I am your doctor I must understand your disease . ( Loud cheering . ) In addition to these three classes , namely , the landlord , the tenant , and the labourer , and they are the only three connected with agriculture—there is this horric
Corn Law , which robs tbe people of their rights , and prevents them from enjoying comforts . ( Loud cries of hear , hear . ) Now what has been the actual effect of the Corn Law ? I have endeavaured to read two books , which may be considered as acknowledged authorities on this—the one was tbe work of Mr . M'Callocb , and the other that of Mr . James Wilson \ for which I am indebted to a friend on the hustings ) . Now from them I learn , that for forty years before the year 1815 , when there was no Corn Law in operation , the average price of wheat was 55 s . ( Hear , hear , and cheers ) Again , the same authority informs me , that f * r the last seven years the average price of Wheat has been 54 s . lid ., being exactly one penny less , since the protective duty was put on , than what itwas previously . ( Cheers . ) Now , I am only endeavouring to explain to
you my opinions—I have considered it my duty , as standing here a candidate for your suffrages , to state to you the grounds for the opinions which I hold . ( Loud cries of " Hear . " ) With regard to the Corn Law , I am decidedly favourable to protection , —but , Gentlemen , I am not an advocate for protection for the sake of the landlords—not for the sake of the farmer—not for the sake of the agricultural labourer—but for the sake of the commercial community ; ( Loud cheers . ) The agriculturists of this country demand eur serious attention in every point ( Hear , hear . ) The authorities to which I have already referred tell me this : —tbe climate of England is the most propitious—the sojl of England is the most productive , and the English soil is highly approved for the growth of Wheat , for there is no climate or country of the same area that can
produce the same amount of grain , of the same value , and of the same price as England . ( Loud cheers , and hisses . ) I want you all to live in comfort , and net to desert that which I think tends materially to increasa your comfort ( Hear , hear . ) So far for tbe agriculture ef the country . I maintain that under the circumstances in which it comes to us—under which it is offered to the commercial community of this countrywe should be blind to our own interests if we introduced Foreign Corn beyond the supply which was requisite should be bad to make up any deficiency which might arise . ( Cheers . ) We are told that if we have free trade we shall immediately have large quantities of corn . ( Hear and cheers . ) Now , I ssk you , where is this corn to come from ? ( Several voices " from North America . ") Yes , we are to get it from America , from Poland , from
Prussia , and from the Black Sea . Now I would say this to you , don't desert the wheaten loaves of England —if you do , you'll make a mistake . ( Cheers and disapprobation . ) But mark this , and I again recur to the same respectable authority which I have already quoted . The foreign corn of doubtful quality , and which yeu cannot meet with in any quantity of the same quality as native grown—this corn , if imported , cannot reach these shores except nt very nearly the same price at which you eat your own English wheat ( Cheers , and a cry of " Why oppose the alteration of the Corn Laws , then ? " ) Why , for your protection ; do you wont to eat bad bread ? ( Cheers . ) Look where you spend your money , if we have to fgive the same price for foreign com which we pay for that of England . If yon want to increase the sale of yonr
manufactured goods , dont forget the home trade—don't be led away by the idea of enriching your pocketsdoa't lose the substance for the sake of the shadow . ( Hear , and cheers . ) Then the next proposition is for an alteration of the Timber and Sugar Duties . ( Hear . ) This subject I don't understand so well as I ought to do ; but I do think that we ore bound , as the mother country , to look to our colonies . The colonies acknowledge the laws of England , —acknowledge the decisions of the Parliament of England , to which you are bound to send proper representatives . ( Hear , an * " we will . '") It the colonies acknowledge oar laws , Iet * tbem enjoy the blessings of our Constitution—don't deprive them of the most precious jewel of an Englishman , his independence , and hatred of slavory . ( Cheers . ) Don't let us destroy markets which we have now in ourcolonies ,
and which are increasing at so tremendous and rapid a rat « . ( Hear , hear ) Look to the West Indies , and to the East Indies , and we shall be able to procure sugar not made by slave labour , to tbeexelusion of those who produce sugar by the labour of slaves . Such is the abundance of the sngar there that we have no occasion whatever to go for that article beyond the precincts of our own colonies . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , with regard to the removal of the Timber Duties , the same principle will apply . Stick to your own colonies—stick to your own British ships- * stick to your own people—and if you then cannot get timber at a reasonable rate , reduce the duty . ( Hear . ) I will not address yon any further upon these topics . I am not going to excite your passions on the Poor Law , but I do lament that any law should have been passed which presses heavily anon
the aged , the decrepid , and tbe unfortunate ; and I should be sorry to see any class of persons who could not provide themselves with work in that condition , and that they should not receive assistance to put them into employment . ( Hear . ) I have take * the trouble to look at the first poor law which was passed , namely , the 43 rd of Queen Elizabeth ; that law has been always recognised in every statute that has been passed upon the subject since that time . ( A voioe in the crowd— " What about the Charter V ) Why , the Poor Law is your Charter . ( Loud applause , ) I could amuse your fancy , but I want to apeak t » yonr good sense . What says the preamble of this law of England ?
( Hear . ) Overseers are there told to be careful to provide for the aged , for the infirm , and for those persons under misfortune , and to provide implements of husbandry , and materials for work , to set these people to work who cannot provide it for themselves . ( Cheers . ) Now , this is the foundation of the English Poor Law . Subsequently to this , different enactments have been passed for the regulation of the poor ; and whether it is from the negligence of the Parliament , or from the improper conduct of the Poor Law Commissioners , that the rights of the Poor have been encroached upon , I am ready to stand up , my friends , in the protection of your righto . ( Cheers . ) I glory in that law . I glory
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in the generosity of my countrymen that carried thai law into effect It shows what they thought of the peoples 1 it shows that they thought the property of th « rtcii n ^ l might be applied t * the support of the poor man . I hold my estate oit U » i © oBdifcioo , and , gentle men , I will never swerve from that condition . ( Load cheers . ) We must now pass en to another subject ,, and that is to the condaqt-HCry of "Pious Use . ) I am not a trustee of the pious use fund , but I am connected with those who are , and I am proud of that connexion . ( Applause . ) I now come to a subject on which we'sball differ in opinion , and that ia as to what claim her Majesty ' s Ministers have to continue in office . ( Hear , hear , and hisses . ) An indictment has been made by the House of Commons against the Ministers / the public servant * of this country , that
they are unfit to govern the country—that they are unworthy of the confidence of the country . That question has been submitted to tbe Queen , and through that prerogative of the Queen which I hope will be always supported by Englishmen—< hear , hear )—lhat question has been referred to you , the constituencies of this country . ( Hear . ) You know what the acts of this Administration have been . Examine into what they have done , and if you think that they have served you , stick Id them . 0 * We will , " and cheera . ) But if you think they are unworthy of your confidence , throw them from you , and employ other people . ( Cheers . ) Let me . only say » his to youjudge for yourselves . The ministers are accused of not doing their duty , of not being able to do their
duty to their country . I will say this , if they are unable to do their duty , they must be dismissed . ( No , no . ) If they cannot render tho services required of them by the crown , they cannot be paid as servants of the crown . ( Great confusion . ) All that I shall say to you in conclusion is this , recollect that we are all Englishmen . Stick fast to the interests of England—stick fast to . English agriculturestick fast to English commerce—stick fast to English Bhips—stick fast to English coloniesstick fast to the English Constitution , and we shall still , with along pull , and a strong pull , and a pull altogether , get out of the horrible misery in which we are at present involved . ( Loud cheering for sometime . )
Mr . WHITEHEAD , tea-dealer , arc , came forward toquestion the Conservative candidates , but was teM that he must wait till a'i the candidates had been heard . Mr . JOSHUA HOBSON , In a few remarks , then introduced Mr . JAMES LEECH , of Manchester , the other Cbartist candidate . Mr . Leech spoke at considerable length , avowing himself in favour of a more equal distribution of labour , so as to prevent one-half of the country from living in inexhaustless wealth , while the other were starring in their competition with improved machinery . Mr . Hume hod asserted that increased labour was attended by increased wages , whilst it was a fact that for the lost fifty years , although trade had gone on . increasing toon almost indefinite extent , wages had been rapidly decreasing . ( Hear , hear , and great cheering . )
Mr . Baines , in his history of Lancashire , stated that in the early period of the cotton trade there were in Lancashire 50 , 000 spindles employing 60 , 0 * 0 spinners , whilst at the present time he ( Mr . L . ) could go to one mill in Manchester in which fourteen spinners were now doing as much work as used to employ the whole oO . , and even these were not getting remuneration for their labour . ( Hear , hear . ) The reason was to be found in the fact that wVile protection had been extended in every other direction , the interests of the poor had never yet been protected at all , an anomaly which proved the little interest taken in the qualification of persons who had to legislate for the people —( hear , hear )—when parties had come therf that day to fall out about their ages , and to squabbl * about which of them was the oldest . Ho though *
both parties were old enough in iniquity . ( Laughter and cheers . ) It was the boost of the British constitution that it consisted of three branches , King , Lords , and Commons ; but now the Commons were superseded , and the constitution was composed of King , Lords , and Aristocracy . All the speakers had agreed on one point , that great distress was existing throughout the country , that the middle classes were fast sinking to a level with themselves ; but they agreed not as . to the remedy . Some of those who had preceded him said we wanted foreign markets ; Mr . Aldam told them ; one tale ; Mr . Husae another . He ( Mr . L . ) contended that the parties who hod ruined England were the middle classes ; and now that they had began to feel the screw pinch then as it had long done the working elasMa . they came forward and
expressed an anxiety to tap off a little of what themselves felt , but said not a word about offering to tha poorasbareof what they themselves enjoyed . ( Hear , hear . ) Both Whig and- Tory had laid claim to having reduced tax it ion , forgetting that while taxation had been reduced by fragments , wages had been reduced by wholesale , and the- poor ground down to the lowest point at which it was possible to arrive . ( Hear , bear . ) He ridiculed the idea ' that the reduction in the timber duties proposed would be of any benefit to the working community . The difference it would make in the cost of the erection of a cottage , even suppose that he could build one , would be about six shillings ; and what a tremendous sum was the interest of this to save to the working man . Increased trade would not arise front it , while wages would be continually getting lesa .
( Hear , hear . ) Their warehouses , it was said , were crammed with goods , for which they bad no markets , and well they might be so long , as there was such am entire absence of home demand . Gentlemen talked of export markets , let them encourage and extend their own , and then if they had any goods to spare , they might find the best markets they could for them abroad ; but it was sheer nonsense to send our manufactures abroad , while the people were going naked for want of them at home . ( Hear / hear , and cheers . ) He then went into the question of wages on the Continent , in America , and in England , nnd contended that the high scale in America was not owing to the land being so very prolific , but to the fact that they were not robbed by being taxed to the amount of twenty-nine millions a year for the interest of a national
debt , and from sixteen to twenty millions to carry on the government . The poor w « re often taunted by bein ^ told that they paid no taxes ; he had no objection that gentlemen should pay taxes , but he should like to know who first put the money into their pockets to pay them with . Loot at the enormous amount paid for the new police ; at the nine millions paid to support a state church , whose priests preach passive obedience and nou-resistanoe . ( Marks of disapprobation on the hustings . ) Gentlemen , he said , did not seem to like his allusion to their doctrines , but they were not the less true on that account . ( Hear , hear . ) After some other observations , the speaker proceeded to remark in reply to the argument for free trade , which would increase the markets for our manufacturers , that trade hod extended rapidly enough , but wages had not improved in the same proportion ; on
the contrary , increased demand had led to reduction . They werenow . it was admitted , arrived at the very verge of a crisis ; the present was a parliamentary crisis ; and if something was not done for the people speedily , there might arrive a bloody revolution . He would say , then , to the upper classes , confer power on the working classes , to enable them to assist you in carrying out those measures which can alone give strength and security to the throne and the country . Let the people have their Charter that they may have a voice in the ali ' airs of the nation , and in making those laws which they were called upon to obey . By this would tlie intelligence- of the working classes bo brought out , and by it alone would be secured the happiness of all . The speaker concluded amidst loud cheers , after thanking them for the manner in which he had been heard .
Mr . WHITEHEAD again stood forward to propound his questions to Mr . Beckett . When he first announced his intention to put questions , Mr . Beckett asked to have them handed to him , but Mr . Whitehead said they were not written ; and yet , when he came forward this time , though he had Hot in the interval left tho hustings , he produced two or three sheets of paper , from which he was about to read them . Mr . JOSHUA HOBSON , however , suggested that no question should be . put to one that was not asked of another ; and that the questions should be put to the candidates in the order of precedence . Mr . Whitehead assented , but on turning round to read his questions to Mr . Hume , he found that he and Mr . Aldam had left the hustings without hearing the speech of Mr . Leech-After waiting a short time to see if they returned , as they did not make their appearance Mr . Beckett and Lord Jocelyn made their bow and retired amidst tho cordial greetings of their friends , Messrs . Leech and Williams , and . their friends followed their example .
Thus ended the largest out-door meeting ever held in Leeds , a meeting also which must be attended with the most important results . The truths spoken by the people ' s candidates mode a deep impression , and though they have been as usual burked in the "Extraordinary Liar , " we have reason to know that their influence has been felt , and that deep execration has been poured out on all sides on the editor of the base and tricky publication .
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LONDON . —Cut op Londom . —At the usual weekly meeting at No . 55 , Old Bailey , 16 s . were voted for the executive . The Metropolitan General Election Committee had a meeting on the same evening , June the 22 d , in the above place . Mr . Watkins produced a very able address to the electors and non-electors , especially of this city , condemnatory of the policy of the dastardly Whigs , especially " Finality Jack , " who haa the effrontery to attempt to disgrace this city b y his extraordinary Thug and China juggling principles , Sub-Committees were appointed to assist ia the elections of Mr . Thompson and Mr . W . T . Sankey . The Committee sit every night but Sunday . Let the Metropolitan Chartists see that they be aot crippled for funds .
Thk BiAOHSBircr Election Committee held heir usual weekly meeting at the Magnet Coffee House , Davy-lane , on Monday evening last , when Messrs . Baldwin and Hepper were appointed to co-operate with the committee ojt Hr . W . V . Sinkey , the Chartist eandidaierijr )^ Marylebone ; collecting books were jaaMKiorflup' ^ S . scriptions to defray the expenoeM «^ rJSBSfe ^ candidates . A number of pewoKSi ^ ffiiffiS ^/ A names on the committee . The wjSEHift % to Monday evening next , when mkStBS&Ki&& 8 : m
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THE NORTHERN STAR ; .. J 1
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 26, 1841, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct858/page/5/
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