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( Continuedfrom our sixth page . J apart , in beauteous valleys . It was atteaded frith great expence to organise these districts , yet they had done what mi practicable . Within thft last nine months Edinburgh had spent from £ 40 to £ 60 in spreading their principles in this district . He was also elected for 3 poriien of Fife . Tnis portion of his district consisted of small towns from 15 to 12 , 060 inhabitants , lie majority of these were very poor , chiefly existing upon 7 s . a week . They were well organised ; and upon the least notice two-thirds of them would attend any jublie meetdDg . Thar strength -was well tested by the manner in which they had met the Com law party , notwithstanding the amount oi money they have expended , and the talented lecturers they engaged ,
they were always ahle triumphantly to carry their opinions in favour of the Charter . In Scotland this ¦ was even a greater triumph than in England , for in Scotland they had been trained from their cradle in Slalthusian notions of political economy : they were , the majority of them , readers of the Edinburgh Review , and had always been tangit to think higfely of free trade ; yet these men , -wretchedly poor as they-were , told their employers that they were willing to endure poverty a little longer rather than abate one iota of their political rights . In this pait of the country they had been fought by the anti-Corn Law gentlemen in a wily jasumer ; they had always allowed the justness of the Charter , but had desired that it should be kept in abeyance until they bad got a repeal of the Corn Laws
Their strength might be ascertained by comparing them with that of other parties ; as compared with the Com Law party , they were all-powerfuL The Non-Intrusion question was ene deeply interesting to the Scottish people ; yei , as compared with this question , they also ¦ were all-powerful . He confessed that there was some justness in the remarks respecting the imperfection of our organisation , but this was more apparent than real . They would neTer be able to get the mass of people to act methodically , and yet , though they might be but weak in organized numbers , yet when a struggle came , they were all-powerful in Edinburgh ; though they had only 600 or 700 members , yet if a meeting was called to oppose the Corn Law party they -were sure to hare
between 2000 or 30 W ) persons present to support them . Bra Sharman Cra-wford and the eloquent Babington Macaolay , on the hustings at the day of the last election , ont of the vast assemblage present only had about £ 000 hands held up for him . They generally got a great portion of the subscriptions frem classes of persons who were not organized members . When they appealed to the public the funds were generally forthcoming . H e was instructed by his constituents to bring forward a resolution for the purpose of bringing abont a perfect nnion between England and Scotland . With regard to drriaons they had none . They had a few
party bickerings . The same eanse -which produced division in England had reached , in a small degree to Scotland . He had himself been blamed for signing Stage ' s declaration , and a deputation had wait ed upon him requesting him to withdraw it ; but he Informed them that he acted according to the dictates of his mind ; he had acted honestly and he would rather cut off Mb hand than retract his signature . Acting in this firm TTCTme . T they speedily , witkout any disagreement , understood each other . He thought they could allow others to differ with them , and still maintain firmly their own opinions , without any disagreeable feelings being excited .
Mr . Thomason , delegate from the Yale ef Leren , bis district was small in amount of population , but not pro * n in spirit ; thi 3 was evinced fee the support they sent to the Convention . Dumbarton was once a place , the Tery name of which wassynonomona with Toryism , ererj thing connected with ^ Radicalism had ever been scouted from this to-wn ; here they had succeeded with difficulty in raising an association , but now they had many members , and were beginning to go a-head ; the middle classes , though not joining them , had arranged themselves under the banners cf Joseph Sturge ; thi 3 was a wTgn of progression . In the Yale of Leven the Working classes were employedin the printing works , and for many years they had enjoyed a state of prosperity , tut they had now felt the effect cf the same cause which
had prostrated other branches of national industry from one factory alone they had subscribed upwards of £ SO to the first Convention , and though they could not bow contribute largely in pecuniary matters , yst the same spirit existed , they enteitained the same devotion of feelkg to the cause . During the last winter they ¦ were involved in terrible destitution ; they had made many attempts to bring the attention of the authorities to this subject , but in rain , until , he got up several large meetings , and they passed resolutions that if the authorities did not adopt some method , they must organize themselves in masses , and take food where they could obtain it . This frightened the heritors of the parish , and a committee was appointed , the result of whose labours brought out the following
That * persons were employed at 71 d . per day , 2 do . sA 7 10 do . at S £ do . 6 ... 62 12 S ... li 11 ... * h 31 ... 2 J .. . 5 ... 6 ' 151 ... 2 i 21 ... 5 J 65 ... 2 | ... 11 ... 5 | 135 ... 2 13 ... 5 126 ... J | .. . 14 ... 4 | 15 .. . lj ... 10 ... 4 j 55 ... 1 11 . . . -j | 31 ... Of SI .. . 4 28 ... 0 A ... 28 ... 3 | 9 ... 0 | ... 36 ... 3 A 65 ... 6
89 ... 3 -Could « more disastrous state of affairs than this exist . ' It was almost incredible to believe that under such -circumstances human nature could have been sustained , and it was sometimes a matter ef even mystery to the parties themselves . The introduction of machinery into the printworks had nearly superseded manual labour . A printer with the aid of a block could put one colour into ten pieces in a day ; by the aid of ma-« hinery they ' could put three colours in asd throw off one hundred and fifty pieces in a day ; and they found those masters who were the loudest in their cry for cheap bread were those who were the greatest tyrants in their establishments ; they now scarcely employed
any one save "women and children . Bnt notwithstanding this distress , their numbers were now as large as ever they were . In Alexandria , Bonnell , and Bromford , there were only three middle-class men who refused to sign the National Petition . They had procured i-iOO signaturesinEarkintulloch ; they weie not sobadoffthere as in tiiB Tale of I > evsn- Campaie "was distinguished for fcaTing a peculiarly warm-hearted body of Chartistsnot able to do mnch in a pecuniary point , but an excellent feeling prevailed . His constituents desired him to state that they were desirous for a more perfect union with the Chartists of England , that they might act with more energy and vigour . He had received a letter frem Greenock , stating that they had obtained S 690 Signatures to the National Petition .
Mr . Moir , delegate from Glasgow , said that in this town , foralongperiDd , neither Whig nor Tory , nor both combined , date to meet the Chartists in public meetings . They attended every meeting , and there advocated the principles of the Charter ; neither threats , nor cajolery , nor threats of physical force , ever made them swerve from boldly advancing their elaims to representation . He could not say much about their organisation , but in public opinion they were allpowerfnL Bis brother delegate from Dumbarton tad stated that in his district a change for the better had taken place among the middle classes . He had seen no symptoms of a change in the middle classes of Glasgow ; Borne few of them have signed Mr . Sturge ' s memorial , but they advanced no further ; they did not take interest enough in it to elect a delegate te Birmingham . The trading class cf that town were mere Whigs ;
they would never join with tbe working men until necessity compelled them ; they would never act cordially with the Chartists until , as a party , they were annihilated , and then we should have nothing to thank them for . Bnt still we ¦ were -willing to Tecei-re them ; hut -while they continued to abuse us ; bo long must we reject their co-operation ; he was not fond of dealing in hard names , but at times he had been compelled to do bo in self-defence . " With regard to division they had none ; they had some little difference of opinion respecting the best modes of action ; ferit they were determined to have the whole Charter , and to have its name as well , lor they were proud of it He could only say that Chartism was in a very prosperous state ; that everything was perfectly satisfactory , and nothing that his constituents could do to gain tbe whole Charter in the shortest space of time would be left untried .
ilr . Campbell , delegate for Cambridge , Suffolk , and Korfolk—He had never been in this district ; but still he knew that they were progressing . Fifteen months ago there was only one association in the three counties ; now they had extended it to seven places . At Jf orth-Wich they had a good association ; from Bury St . Edmonds they -would have a good petition ; from Lynn , 2 , 700 signatures ; this was a place they never had any bef ^ ie this petition ; in Harwich and in Cambridge they tad good associations , and they were rapidly spreading over the whole of the three counties .
ilr . il'Douall then reported tbe result of the interview -srito Mr . Sbarman Crawford . They waited upon him in the Honse of Commons ; and , after staying upwards of two hours , they procured an interview , ana Mr- Crawford stated that he had been detained by a division in the House respecting flogging in the snny . When the deputation stated their wish that he wonld postpone his motion until after the presentation tf tha National Petition , he observed that be Csuld not give an answer until he had communicated with the partieS who entrusted it to his care . We stited that our object was to avoid coming into collision with any party . He then informed us that he would communicate -with them on . Monday , bnt on Sunday we received t&e following letter : — 34 , York Terrace , Regent ' s Park , April 16 , 1842 .
-giB . A deputation from the Chartist Convention Waited on me last night at the House of Commons , to request that I would postpone my motion till Tuesday , the 3 rd of May , on which day the National Petition is to be presented , ana a motion made bj Mr . Ihuieombe to bear the parties at the bar . Being exceedingly tositus to accommodate the wishes ofyuur body , as well to these with whem I have been more particularly in connexion in bringing forward this question , I told them 1 would consider whether I couW postpone the tofcice , Ifid give them an answer on Monday .
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On returning home , I referred fco a printed copy of the petition which was accidentally in my possession . It is headed " The National Petition , " and is I presume the petition alluded to . I exceedingly regret to Bay I cannot concur in or approve tbe general tone cf this petit ion , and tbe allegations it sets forth are in some cases such as I am not prepared to support Your demand of a repeal of the Irish Union I cannot concur in , because , although I have supported the principle of a legislative body in Ireland for local purposes , I think an Imperial Legislature is necessary for Imperial purposes ; but the entertaining this proposition must indefinitely suspend the discussion on one of the vital points of your Charter , tamely , the equal distribution of Electorial Districts , —before that distribution could be settled , the question whether tha Irish Union should be repealed or not must
first be ' settled . I will not agree to any distribution of Xlectorial Districts which does not include Ireland in a fair ' proportion . The other points introduced in the petition are so numerous , neither space nor time permit me to go- through them . Some of them I cannot Bay I can assent to witheut a more clear explanation of their meaning . But I deprecate the policy of mixing up euch a variety of subjects in one petition . It is impossible they could be discussed with any effect or utility in this combined form—and Bucb a combination must be highly injurious to the fair consideration of these great points of Parliamentary reform , which it is my object honestiy to advocate . I also object te tbe form in which your prayer at the end is set forth . You claim that the Charter should be passed into a law without alteration , deduction , or addition .
Whilst I agree with you in desiring to sustain the integrity of tbe great principles of the Charter—yet I am perfectly satisfied that alterations and additions in your registration details would be absolutely necessary to fit it to all the different portions of the United Kingdom . There never was any document yet prepared by man , which could not be improved . Therefore I feel that the prayer when carried to this extent is unreasonable and is therefore injurious to its success . Bat independently of those specific points I object to the tone of the petition . - The 4 th , 5 lb , and 6 th paragraphs when taken together , are evidently indicative of the principle of action , -which was so deeply injurious to your cause , namely , the physical-force system . I cannot join myself with any movement but that which is founded on moral poirer .
Under these circumstances , I conceive it mnch better that your petition should not be presented till after my zaotion , because , if presented before it I must state my objections to it . If presented on a future day , the member presenting it may raise the question on its specific prayer , ( namely to be beard at the bar ) , which is entirely different in form from tbe motion I intend to make . You will see it detailed in . the Parliamentary vctes circulated this morning . I shall bring it on upon the day appointed , Thursday , the 21 st April I trust my observations will give ne offence to your body . I mean none . I think every true friend to the people ought to speak h » nestly and plainly when he t ^ int-B them wrong . Allow me to subscribe myself , Your obedt , W . Shar . Crawford .
To the Secretary of the Convention of the Working Classes . Mr . O'Connor commented upon the statements contained in tbe letter . Mr . Crawford , though one of the most honest , was also one of the most obstinate of men . If this motion was not postponed , it wcuM place them in an awtward dilemma , inasmuch as on the presentation of their petition , all its arguments would have been anticipated . It was the opinion of Mr . Duncombe that if Mr . Sharman Crawford brought on his motion previous to their petition , many members who usually vottd on that side the question would refrain from voting , and reserve themselves for their petition . It would appear to be the intention of the party for whom Mr . Crawford was acting to offer every opposition which laid in their power to the National Petition . If this was to be the ca 83 , they must take means to reserve their strength in the House of Commons until the Petition "was presented .
Mr . . Roberts did not think tfcat Mr . Crawford would oppose the motion for a deputation from the working ciass to be heard at the bar of the House , he only expressed his objections to the petition ; he hoped they would not act in any hostile manner . Mr . Crawford had fixed the day for bis motion previous to the deputation waiting upon him , he did not think even if there was two divisons in the House that it would injure the people's cause , but if » y sound argument they could prove that this would be tbe result , then it would be their dnty to correspond with Hi . S targe ' s committee on the subject Dr . M'Pouall moved , "That Sharman Crawford ' s letter being public property addressed to tbe Convention , should be published and their secretary authorised to correspond with Mr . Sturge ' a committee sitting at Birmingham . "
Mi . M'Pherson seconded tbe motion . The man that would set up bis own private feelings without respect to the petition , against the wishes of three or four millions of his fellow beings , was not worthy of their confidence . Mr- lowery stated , that being present at the Conference at Birmingham , he was well aware that Sharman Crawford was acting as the organ of the committee 3 he motion was then put and carried . ( Continued in our 8 th page . J
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W ATKINS'S LEGACY TO THE CHARTISTS , LECTURE I . ( Concluded from our last . ) " It is good to be zealously affected in a good cause . " Who are they that hare been zealously affected in a good cause ? See bow zsalously affected Moses was . ' He might have lived like a prince , in a palace , the favourite of Pharoah , but he was zealous even unto slaying t and when he saw an Egyptian smite an Hebrew he slew the Egyptian , though he had to fly for it and become a shepherd in a strange land . While ho kept his father-in-law ' s sheep his soul yearned to deliver his countrymen from bondage , and he returned to them with that purpose . He was more concerned at "witnessing their slavery than they at feeling it In vain he streve to rouse them . He saw that the only chance was to strike the bard heart of Pharoah with fear . He succeeded in freeing them and in keeping them free , though in a wilderness .
See bow zealously affected the ancient judges and prophets were who endured all manner of evil for tbo sake of good . Mark in particular Judas Maccabeus , who rescued the Jews from the slavery of the Syrians ; and the Apostles and Martyrs whd ended lives of privation , hardship , and pain in the most horrible and terrifying deaths—who perished gloriously ! But see ! O , see how zealously affected Jesus Christ was . Though forsaken by all , he forsook not the cause , and died for what he had lived . Leaving sacred history , and reverting to profane , look at Marathon , Salamis , and Thermopylae , where \\ U fought for liberty , to conquer or die . This was in ancient Greece , which was afterwards subdued by Rome—Rome which affords so many examples of patriotism . Take for instance the example of the first Brutus , who would have brooked " The eternal devil to reign in Rome As easily as a king ;"
and of the last , who made " The dagger ' s edge surpass The coHq ' ror ' s sword in bearing fame away . *' Then there is Virginius , who slew his daugeter to preserve her from pollution , and put an end to the tyranny of the Decemvirs ; Cato , who would not survive liberty , but whose spirit animating Brutus revenged his fate by the death of Caesar . To come to the middle ages—but these were chk fly under the debasing dominion of superstition which prevented heroism , or at IeaBt perverted it But we have Rienzi , " last of Romans , redeemer of dark centuries cf shame ; " Massaniello , the fisherman of Naples ; Gustavus Yasa , of Sweden ; Jean of Arc , whom we may almost claim as a man ; Pedilla , ef Spain ; Tell , of
Switzerland ; Robert Biuce , who lite Leonidas , of Greece , and Alfred the Great , though all were kings , fought for liberty ; Wallace too , and the unconquetab ' e Scots ; Wat tbe Tyler , and John Cade , Esq . who gained England for the people , but lost it and their lives by treachery the moment after . We now arrive at modern times , the most memorable , for in . them we sea England a commonwealth—the people not nominally free , nor nominally sovereign , but with reign , alas , too brief . Hampden , Russell , Sidney , are names no time nor tyranny can blight ; bnt greatest of ali i and the last I shall mention is not Wellington , but Washington ! All these may be styed Chartist heroes—all strove for liber ty—all were zealously affected in a good cause , and
great as those names are , we could parallel them from onr own movement—lor we have men who have toiled as much and suffered as much . O , let them not toil and suffer in -vain ! the thought of thut -would be more grievous to them than alL Shall we not sacrifice a little when they have sacrificed bo much for us and for our cause . W © have but to sacrifice our vices , our follies , and the indolence and apathy which they occasion "will fall with them , and the man will arise . Some affect the cause , but not zealously , and some assume it as a disguise , but they who carry it ; they alone will prove taemselves worthy of it , worthy to rank with the Cartwright ' s , the Cobbett's , the Muir ' s , the Emmett ' s , the Paine's , Rousseau ' s , < fcc .
I come now to consider lastly what constitutes a good cause , and here the very name seems eneugh , but names do not always agree with natures , nor can we prove a cause good by our zeal in its behalf ; for we may be equally zealous in a bad one , as is proved by our opponents . Good trees bring forth good fruit , and the good conduct of its advocates goes far to prove the goodness of the cause . It were but a waste cf words to attempt to prove the Chartist cause a good one , because that is generally admitted ; our wont enemies do not deny that—even while employed in viUifying us , they give credit to the cause—all that they allege against it is , that it is impracticable . It may seem so to them , but we do not find it so , nor would they , were
they like-minded with us . Surely good is alway practicable , though we are more prone to evil , and find it better rewarded in this wicked world . God made as good , and meant us to be good , and to do good ; he did not make that impracticable which he meant us to do . He d » es not require an impossibility of us . Our cause Is his cause ; we that are engaged in it are serving him . We seek the recovery of those rights which God gave us , and which , man deprived us of . We lost them foolishly , "wickedly , and do not deserve God ' s help to find them again , but if we help ourselves , he will help us . Our cause is the cause of humanity , it is the cause of the oppressed , aye and of the oppressor too , for it iB not good neither to suffer nor to inflict eviL It is the cause of British infants
that die m the Tarn attempt to draw nourishment from thetr mothers * famine-dried breasts—it iB the cause of British mothers that die in the vain effort to bring forth in sorrow what was conceived in sin , or bring forth while driven about the streets , from workhouse to workhouse , whose doors are shut against nature itself ; it is the cause of British parents who must look on their crying children as a curse rather than a blessing ; of the hnsband that must stand idly by and see his wife work man ' s work for childhood ' s wages ; and ol the wife that must curse the hour when she was wed ; it is the cause of the lover whose very love . forbids the banns of marriage ; of the son thatmuBt sec his aged parents taken to the bastile to be entombed alive till they are made ready for a pauper ' s grave ; of the
daughter that to escape starvation must beg or steal , or sell her very soul and body ; cf little boys and girls that slave in mines , In mills , in factories ; it is the cause of slaves and wretches of all kinds , of all who hunger and thirst and are naked homeless and in misery—it is the cause of the millions who have not where to lay their Meads—of those Who lie in the streets with the mute and . unheeded appeal"I am starving . ' "—written on the / stones that is their only bed or resting-place ^—who are full of sores— -the effects of cold and hunger—who are devoured while yet alive— "who die piecemeal , living skeletons , the spectres of the systtm . ' It -was the cause of the poor blind girl , who died in darkness , destitute , desolateher father could procure no work , no food . He would
not complain—perhaps he felt the uselessness of it —perhaps he was too proud . O . ' these are most pitiable cases ! and they occur in this Christian country daily . She died , and her body was found rotting iu the helpless arms of those whphad given her life , but could not save her from the most miserable of all deaths—who themselves were dying in despair . The mother had lost her wits , and three children were sitting in a corner , stupidly staring at the decaying oorpse of their sister . The spectacle of their own fate was before their eyes—all mnst soon have died ,: and then the dead alone would have been left to bury their dead ! O , friends and fellow-men , shall we not swear that these things ehall be Been and heard of no more ? I call on ye , in tbe names of the sufferers , on behalf of yourselves—on my own behalf , for I suffer with sympathy . God calls on us—answer him ye people ^—vow ! swear ! Shall those nearer to us than our
own flesh and blood—dearer than our own heartsshall they , too , suffer?—suffer that our heartless oppressors may rej oice ? Shall we leave our -wives and out little ones to th « tender mercies of a seifish age—cf a system that now reigns in terror—of a Government that has made a Whig world of it—hardening : the hearts of the rejoicing rich : —breaking those of the suffering poor . What . ' would we not save , life 1—shall not human beings be zealously affected in the cause of human nature?—the cause of our country—of mankind ? We have no natural affection in us if we do not strive always , The very birds and beasts will risk their lives in defence of their young—the savage bear will die for its cubs—the timid hen will at tack the kite . O nature ! O instinct ! are ye to be found in bears and wolves alone and dares man still call himself man—call himself a father ? Slaves arise . ' —be up and doing . '— talk no more—join us—we are -working for drewning creatures and shall we be told not to stretch forth our
hands—Dot to open our mouths—but to wait and see whetherjProvidencewillsave them—whetherthey will be able to save themselves—whether those who threw them in will pull them out . Shall -we be toW to stand idly by and see them perish , because should we attempt to rescue them the tyrants may throw us in too ? or shall it be said to us , " Wait until you are properly educated before you interfere with these things" ? Shall we not rather peril life , and limb , an'd liberty in this cause ?¦ " We shall , if we have a heart to feel—a heart to love , and in that heart courage to make our love known . O ! should it not fire our blood to witness these things—should not our blood rise and swell our veins—should we not resolve to die in blood rather than live tame , silent spectators of the barbarity of tyrants and the sufferings of slaves ? . Let us shew that when humanity and justice are outraged , our feelings are outraged ; let us be determined that the violence of the
rich and powerful shall not be spent upon the peor and weak , but shall recoil upon their own heads . We have permitted them to proceed ; they have gone on so far unchecked that now they regard not man , and defy God himself . God baa said , " The poor shall not cease from off the land "; bat they say they shall cease , we will starve them off . They would stop the great fount of nature itself ; they forbid the water of life to flow . But God will come and miserably destroy these wicked intn , and give their heritage to the rightful owners—the people . The disease of the Btate has been so long neglected , that it has grown to be almost past cure ; bat while there is life there is hope . The people are now giving signs of life ; the dry bones will live—they will arise and become the army of the iiving God . The heavy mass of Blnmbering waters is being agitated ; a braze from the north blows on it ; a storm ia coming ) then fro . e to the UUle coc £ *
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boats that defied the sea ; then sail on-the might of the millions will arise ; I hear it now—the preluding murmur of the elements--tbo sound of many-waters ;—and God is in the wind—fte rides on the whirlwind—HE DIRECTS THE STORM { JOUN WATKINS . Battersea , near London .
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TO THE WORKING PEOPLE . ( From the English Chartist Circular . ) My dear Friends , -. In my last letter I placed before you , m familiar and easily comprehended Ianguage , the indirect effect which machinery has upon every classand tradeintliecommunity , from the monarch , who is not beyond its blightiug influence , to the beggar , who is not below its reach . ,. Ji " } . Tery ha PPy to inform you that my letters in the little tnarnst Circular have received the approbation of avast number of persons heretofore opposed to U 8 ; at least , so I am extensively informed by many approving correspondents , some of whom express a strong desire that as many as possible should be sent to Treland . My appeal to the readers of the Circular then ia , that they will—that is , those who can spare them—send back their papers , when done with , to Mr . John Cleave , l , Shoe Lane , ; Fleet-Street , that he may transmit them to my CQuntrymen , your Irish bretbreni
Now , my friends , allow me to show you the evil tendency and bad effect which machinery has upon the character of man . Man is born with propensities which may either be nur tured into virtues or thwarted into vices , according to the training . Generally speaking , the Gevernment of a country should be chargeable with , and answerable for , any vice which had assumed the alarming nature of n national characteristic . Tbui , it a nation is full of thieves , a * England was from the period that the p ' undfcring adulteroua Harry the Eighth robbed the people , till Elizabeth ^ from necessity , was compelled to dole out a poor substitute for their owntheir rightful , but their loBt pifopertyv the national vice was chargeable upon tbe plundering King and his royal panders , and not upon the plundered and impoverished
people . So if a needy Chancellor of a needy faction sba 1 reduce the tax on gin , © r any other intoxicating spirit , to the minimum standard of the people ' s capability to procure it , and should filthy gin palaces , pouring forth their Government-made maniacs , fret the eye and sore the heart at every corner ; of every street , the crime is the Ministers' andi not the nation ' s . It is quite within the range of ministerial influence to destroy the crime of theft , immorality , and drunkenness , in a single session of Parliament ; and ^ therefore I am justified in attributing their existence to misrule rather than to character , propensity , habit , or even desire . Thus I trace to '' misrule all the evil propensities which shall render the national character disgraceful , odious , insignificant , or contemptible . This I have
done in detail , by exhibiting the effect which a particular law or a particular tax may have upon any one of the passions . But alas , how much more destructive and injurious must be the result of misrule when We come te take a wholesale view of its influence upon th « general character of man ? A government may starve a man , whose strong mind may bo proof against the temptations of the gin palace . A government may , by the operation of the income or any other inquisitorial tax , render the truth-loving portion of the community less scrupulous about veracity ; but while it thus touches but in one point , a general and wholesale debasing system , assails the whole character of man , leaving no point proof against the continuous and undermining assaults . Such , then . I contend is the effect which the
syttsm of machinery has upon the whole character of man . Now I will , take one of the system-made destroyers of his country ' s fame and name , and in pity let us see whether or not hia influence , his disregard of human life , his power over the life , the liberty , and property of bis operative slave , is in any wise less , or less tyrannically used , than the power and the use made cf it by the black slave owners , as a class . When negro slavery did exist , there was firstly , a strong controlling power in public opinion ; and secondly , in the interest which the owner had in his property being kept in the most valuable state . If he killed his slave * he " lost so mucb property . If he overworked his slave , he felt the same injury as if a post-master overworked his
horse ; and thus public opinion and self interest , two most powerful correctives of bad passions and evil propensities , were ties upon bis lust and controllers of his actions . Now has not tbo manufacturer by steam a power of life and limb , of liberty and property ? and is his use of that power less cruel , tyrannical , and oppressive , than was the use made of it by the black slave owner ? anil does public opinion operate as a corrective upon the exercise of that power equally as upon , the black Blave owner f and has he as great an interest , or any interest at all , in the condition of a worn-out slave , whose place is easily supplied ; arid without the cost of purchase , by some other competing system-made pauper ? What says the Jew , when threatened with the loss of property ? He says
" Nay , take my life and all , pardon not that : Yeu take my house , when you do take the prop That doth sustain my house ; you toko my life , When you dp take the means whereby I live . " I now astyon to contrast your condition with that of the negro slave ; and ! askyou , have your masters aa great an interest in your health , your lives , your comforts , and your entire condition , as tho black slave owner had in the well-being of hia stock of human flesh ? Has he an interest in your sobriety , your morality , your freedem , or your independence ? No ; he has a clear and direct interest in the destruction of your every eomfort , and in the annihilation of every trace of character and nationality . He lives upon your beggared honour , while your degradation is his richest
merchandise . To him vice is a general agent , drunkenness a labour auctioneer , and poverty a recruiting sergeant . You are mere attendants upon your steam-producing master , and while at duty you must be sober ; Mere you cannot be immoral , and beyond that period ho looks not . Well now , what position do I take up ? This : —that if the rising generation of system-made tyrants on the one hand , and syatem- \ nade slaves upon the other , shall be born and nurtured in the belief and conviction that their respective offices , duties , and dependencies , iare ^ art and parcel of the ^ inatitutionscf the country ; that they have been borne and submitted to by fathers , and are consequently no new imposition upon their sons , we leave to future generations the task of contending against common law , sanctioned by cuatom , instead of contending ourselves , on behalf of the present avid , generations ytt to come , against a system struggling for recognition , and which may be destroyed
by our united exertions . A manufacturer of fcwenty-nye years of age , who never knew what the independence of labour meant , who was born and reared in the lap of the present system , feels deep astonibhraent at the preauniption of his slaves when they question his uncontrolled right of masterdom . And only let us slumber until time shall have nurtured and matured for us a whole generation of Bteam yipera , and then arrest their progress and destroy their influence who can ? I regret that the smallnesa of . the space allotted to me in this valuable little paper precludes the possibility of entering more at large upon my Bubjecfc I have shown you the indirect effect of machinery upon all classes of the community , both in point of physical comfort and formation of general character ; and now I will briefly lay before you tbe direct effect which the unrestricted , use of machinery lias upon the working classes .
Shortly , then , it opens a fictitious , unsettled , and unwholesome market for labour , leaving to the employer complete and entire controul over wages and employment . As machinery becomes improved , manual labour is dispensed with , and the diaHiissed constitute a surplus population of unemployed system-made paupers , which makes a reserve for the masters te fail back upon , as a means of reducing the price of labour . It makes character valueless . By the application of fictitious money , it overruns the world "with -produca , and makes labeur a drug . Ifc entices the agricultural labourer , under false pretences , from the natural aud wholesome market , and locates him in an unhealthy atmosphere , where human beings herd , together like swine . It destroys the value of real capital in the
market , and is capable of affecting every trade , busines and interest , though apparently wholly unconnected with its ramifications . It creates a class of tyrants and a class of slaves . Its vast connection with banks , and all the monied interests of the country , gives to ifc an unjust , injurious ; anomalous , and direct influence over the government of the country . The advantage it has over the landed interest is this : its forces are on the spot , and easily congregated together by placard or ring of bell , to be marshalled and presented as public opinion to overawe the House of Commons , while the agricultural force is thinly dispersed over the face of the
country , and cannot be collected for the expression of publio opinion . The forces of the masters haviB hitherto been under their controul and at their disposal , but now , thank Go ;! , we have taken th& soldiers from tbe officers , and have marshalled all under the glorious banners of Chartism , and under which I hope and trust We shall fight the good fight of justice against injustice , of right against might ; of knowledge against bigptry and intolerance . Let no surrender be our motto , and virtue pur goal , and then we will accomplish what all governments have hitherto failed to effect , namely , to developethe virtues and suppress the vices of our fellow men . " ¦ ¦ ' , - . ¦ •' .. ;; •'¦' ¦ ' . " : Ever your faithful Friend , FEAKGUS O'CONNOK .
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A VOICE FROM YORK CASTLE . TO THE ED 1 T 9 K OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —By giving insertion to the following letter in the Northern Star this week , you will much oblige the friends of Samuel Holberry , from whom the following copy . hasbeen received ; and I . would Urge on the friends of humanity to bestir themselves in his behalf , and let us try if we cannot get him released from the dungfton' 8 grasp . I would particularly request of our friend ? in Brighton to inBtantly get up a memorial in his behalf ; and Mr . Morling will oblige me by letting me have a letter from him . Hoping you will find a small space for insertion , you will oblige , Tours , respectfallf , William Martin . York Castle , April lStfi , 1842 .
Beau Martin ,- ^! received your letter April 3 rd , and had intended answering it sooner , but I have been very unwell ; Iflud my constitution is gone , and that without an alteration I shall soon be ia my grave . I do , Sir , find myself going by inches . I saw Mr . Shepherd last week from Northallerton , and he told hie that I was looking full as bad as I did when I left Northallerton . I can assure you , Sir , that I am very f » r from beiDg as I ought to be . I am attacked with such violent pains in my legs , and also in my limbs , that t can get a © rest at nightsi
I hope you nill excuse my not answering sooner , as it is not because I "would not , but tbe reason is , I could hot . Remember me to Mr . Goodlad and all friends , and accept of my kind respects to yourself . Audi remain , Yours , sincerely , Samuel Holberrt . Friends , I see , by reading the foregoing letter , that without the country takes immediate ateps for his release , he will be Claytonised . I am sure the individual must be suffering greatly as the letter is not written by him , but by the schoolmaster . Any friends having any communication , or having any donation , however small , for Holberry , will be thankfully received , and duly acknswledgecl , by forwarding them to William Martin , care of Mr . B . Qeodlad , Cowleys Yard , Chesterfield .
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THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FROM THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , AND NELSON'S JIOSBMENI , LONDON :, AND THE "WOOLWICH DOCKYARD , To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and Irelatid . ' Who is here so base , that would be a bondman ? If any , speak ; for him have I offended . "' " Men at some time are masters of their fate ; The fault * * * is not in our stars , But in ourselves , that we are underlings . "
Julius C-. esar . Brethren , —Exercised by our opponents to the utmost possible extent , as that power bas been which ignorance 18 too prone , and poverty too frequently compelled to Concede to capital and privilege , it bas not yet influenced " a split '' in bur ranks , or generated the slightest diversity of opinion amongst us . In proportion to our reduced numbers , "we entertain the same unity of spirit and unanimity of purpose as when thirty weeks ago we withdrew from our employment—not again to return until HE who occasioned our suffering should be removed .
In reporting on the progress of our strike during the past fortnight , we have 13 state that at . the Houses of Parliament a little progress is perceivable—* few stones have been fixed , but those are chiefly coats of arms , and censequently prepared by the roughers and carvers in the employ of John Thomas . —The labour of fixing them only being under tbe control or superintendence of George Allen . The Monument ( of inhumanity and disgrace to Gfrissell arid Peto ) presents a still and death-like appearance . Concerning the column , the saying respecting Solomon ' s temple is strictly applicable : " The sound of a ( Masoh ' aj hammer is not to be heard . " We have , however , just been informed that eight rough stones have arrived from the quarries , and that a selection of tbe best hands in the employ of Grissell and Peto , are to commence dressing them .- —The number now out from these works and the Houses are fifty . Fjcom Woolwich we are thus informed : —
" There is no material change since I last wrote . I have riot heard of any more being discharged ; still there might have been , as they generally go away on the sly ' moreover , there ia seldom a week passes without some of them being before the magistrates . On the 26 th ultimo , there were four < if them fined one pound each for abusing one of their own colour . ' *—Number on the funds here thirty-threei We have just received intelligence from Woolwich that fourteen more of the " black diamonds" were disnussed on Saturday night the 9 th inst .- —that very few remain , and thut the most of them are walking the streets for want of stone . From Plymouth we are informed that the obtaining of other einploynient has reduced their number on the funds to Beven . From Dartmoor out delegate write thus : —
Our funds being lew is the only thing that makes them stand out now—they know it , and think they will starve us into submission . Eight have gone off the funds since Saturday , ( 3 rd inst ;) and more will leave next weefe . The privation these men and their families are enduring in defence of the lights of their fellows is . so far as my knowledge extends , without a parallel io the history of strikes j and with their present prbspecta , it Would grieve them . sore , and be much against their disposition to ^ return toi work . " The number now tint at Dartmoor we understand , to be twentyfive . : ; ¦ - . - ¦ '¦ " ¦; ' ¦ ¦ ¦ •¦ ¦ ' /; ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦• ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ; ¦ ; . ; : ¦ . ; ¦• . ; ' ¦ " From Penryn our delegate writes as follows : —
"I never had thehammer' worse m my life than 1 have it now . If you cannot send us money Hoaking will btat us : if you can , We shall beat Hosking . 1 have " walked twenty miles this day to stop three blacks without any money in my pocket Hoaking has added three blacks to : his number , Which if I had had a little money 1 could have preheated . Gr . and Pi have enV ployed another contractor in London to get from flinty to a hundred stones here for them fr ? m another stone merchant . I have seen tho drawings sent down , and know it ia for Woolwich , and therefore , tbe orde * is not
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accepted . " The number out we understand is increased to nine . ¦•'¦ ' - ¦ ¦•¦ . ¦ : .,. ¦' :. ¦ ' -.: . - . - :- ' - ¦ - ¦ ' : '¦ ¦' The above ib a brief , and so far a ? our knowledge extends , a faithful statement of bur present position . A . true development of our circumstances at the end of tha thirtieth week of tbe most trying arid the most ; severe contest of Right v . Might on record ; arid we cannot help repeating " the only one that has ever taken placa iii -which pounds , shillings , and pence have not been the principal matters in dispute . " Our conduct in connection therewith , has been open to the scrutiny of all who have thought fit to enquire respecting it ; and fladinfi : the support we were wont to receive " Ia « s by the way , " we make bold to ask , "wherein , have yje : " offended ' "—whether our conduct has been of a deserving kind or otherwise ?
We are by no means disposed to egpt ' zo . We , however , happen to know , and do feel disposed to state , that those most prolific in denouncing the workingclasses as ignorant ^ vicious , reckless , aurt brutal— " in-Capable of self-government "—are not a little chagrined at our having , despite the trying circumstances under which we have been placed , so demeaned ourselves as not to commit a single breach of the peace , notwithstanding policemen and spies being placed in every possible direction where there was a probability they wonld come in collision with us . In fine , ' we are
unaware of haying done anything disreputable either to the society of which we are members , or to those who at the commencement of our strike so soul-stirringly espoused our cause , and so universally applauded our proceedings , an d who , for a 1 ong period , bo kindly ancl so liberally rendered ua their pecuninry aid . If we have lef c undone that which we ought to have done , or done that which we ought not to have done , there are , at least , two reasons why we should know it—why indeed it should be known to all connected with trade societies : —¦ '¦ -. ¦ . ¦¦' -. ¦' .. ' , ¦
1 st That we now on strike may immediately endeavour to extricate ourselves from the position into which we have erroneously fallan . 2 nd . That those who hereafter enter the list with their opjpressors may escape the dilemma . We have been led to make these observations froni the fact that we and our families are daily becoming more destitute , and which , if we have not offended"if we have not done that which we ought to hava done , "—should not be suffered to exist . VvVe believe our conduct , during the strike , in which we are yet engaged , does not merit
•• That the word of promiseto our ear Should be broken to our hope . " We have been , and yet csntinue , true and faithful to each other . ' Let the members of our own society , and others of our own trade , in connection with those other friends that for a long time did render us their pecuniary support , manifest , in a mnuner not Vto be misunderstood , their attachment and devotion to the cause in which we are struggliDg—the interest they ( at least should ) feel ia in its successful issue . ' Let this b 9 done , and , with the works of Grissell and Peto ( especially those of the Monument and Woolwich Dockyard ) on the . verge of idKness for want of stone , and with the men st the quarries " true to a man , "the strike will be brought to a more auspicious termina tion than many may now anticipate .
Under all circumstances , however , we see no alternative but that of pressing forward—to fall back would inevitably be utter ruin , and" Rather than this , come fate into the list " With theaid of those , unto whom we liow appeal , which , if given , it were well it were given quickly , our Operations would be comparatively easy ; if denied , although " knee-deep / " in misery and privation ^ never having broken faith—wo will not betray the cause in which we are engaged , but will continue , as well as our means will permit , to battle with the commou enemy
Until that justice shall be conceded unto us , whicll all have admitted we were justifiable in demanding . We ask you at once to reflect on the foregoing , and with thanks , hearty and sincere , to all our friends and supporters , and with confidence and hope that an early supply cf the " sinewa of war" will be furnished us , VVe beg to subscribe ourselves , Gratefully yours , The Masons on Stiuke . Thomas Suobtx , Sec . Apriri 3 tb , 1842 .
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Two . Thirsty Souls . —A witnesa on his cross examination at the Quarter Sessions , oa Wednesday swore he took 40 tumblers of punch the night before , and that a boon companion bolted no less than 60 " $ ure a pair were never seen so justly formed to taeet" after dinner l—Tipperary Piper . ;" Savings' Banks in the Armv . —Trie Secretary $ fc war , Sir Henry Hardinge , has determined to establish savings' banks throughoKt the army , and an act of Parliament for that purpose will be brought ia shortly by the gallant general .
BriSert at Sodbury . —It isi in contemplation among the electors of Sudbury , in the event of the borough being disenfranchised , to call a meeting to petition Parliament for compensation for ther ' oss which-they -will sustain by a deprivatioa of that which they have been always taught to consider as a prescriptive right . —namely the privilege of selling their elective franchise to the highest bidder . —Globe Revising Barristers —It appears by a return moved forMr . JR . \ Vason , of the names of barristers appointed to revise lists of voters , their time employed , fees and expenses received i &c , that in 1835 , they received ^ £ 32 , 079 ; in 1836 , £ 26 , 871 ; in 1837 , ^ 31 , 222 ; in 1838 S : . £ 30 , 537 ; in 1840 , ^ 28 , 980 ; and ia 1841 , £ 30 , 357 .
SsiuggliSg at Dover . —On Sunday last , Crump's coach , hence to Ramsgate , was stopped just out of the town by two vigilant officers of the customs , who informed the driver they suspected he had charge of contrabatd goods . On searching thd coach a large basket was found , containing eighteen bottles of . -. Hjau de Cologne , several bladders of foreign spirits , asmall quantity of tobacco , tea , &c . A pas-enger inside the coach , a Frenchman , nofc quite an fa > t as a smuggler oh this side of the Channel , claimed the basket , in consequence of which he was had back to the Custom-house and was held under surveillance by the officers , and next day committed for the penalties . —Kent Herald .
A Fhench Gkeenacre . —^ There now laying in the prison of Orleans an individual sentenced to the guillotine for a murder , attended with circumstances of as great and singular atrocity as that ascribed to Daniel Good . The individul , in question , whose name i 3 to Blanc , is a retired lieutenant of the chassieurs , and his victim was Mademoiselle Jule Deicroix , who for some time lived with him as his mistress . She was missed suddenjy , when he represented that she had returned to her parentst at Dijon , but it afterwards appeared , that having
murdered her , he at first buried the body , covering it over with quicklime ^ in order to . consume it . This not having the desired < fiect , in order to escape detection , he exhumed the body , which he burnt . A small portion of the skull which was left unconsumed sufficed , however , to point out the atrocious deed , and the person of the yictim . He was apprehended after a lapse of six months , during whick time he managed to elude the officers of . justice , and at the last court d' assiza at new Orleans , received the sentence which he now awaits .
Lord ^ Morpeth . — -The Richmond Enquirer ( American paper ) thus speaks of Lord Morpeth : — " Lord Morpeth arrived in Richmond on Saturday evening and left it on last evening in the car for th ^ south . He is proceeding $ 6 Charleston , and further south , and perhaps some of the West India islands . He may return to Virginia in the course of the summer , and visit our springs and view our mountain scenery . But as ho is spoken of as a candidate for Dublin in the House of Commons , hia sojourn in the United States may be cut short by the necessity of his returning home . (!) Lord Morpetk is ' oneoi thetmost liberai statesmen and popular and rising politicians in she British empire . ; He has a strong partiality for the Americans , arid expresses the sincerest desire to preserve the harmony between the two coantriea . He is struck with the great scale on which
everything ia constructed in America—with the imntense ex ten t of bur country—the extraordinary volume of " our rivers , &c . He ¦ pronounces the Potomac to bo the noblest , river he has ever seen , and he has visited a great part of Europe France , Russia , &c . He istravelliBg in the United States , on our raiJroada and steam-boats , in the simplest style , without any species of state , without even a servant . In his manners he is equally unassuming , He aflfecAa n » airs , acd appears only like a plain , nnprete » diag » but ; polished gentleman of good sense—taking a deep interest in all thai he sees , speaking of ear coaEtry with gre * t liberality , and never wasting of bis own . ; His Lordship . arrived at Charleston ob Wednesday week . [ His Lordship is not wonted in DuWin now ; he may consequently stay ta gaiomou the Americans at convenience . V
Tkoops for iNDiA .-r-On Saturday morning ; the shir , Columbus , of 467 tons register , Captain Short , chartered by tbe East India Company , on governryent account , sailed from the West India VOocks * for Bombay , Madras , and Calcutta , She carries out 220 troops for India . Several other ships , also chartered by the Ea » t India Company on government account , are to sail in thei course of this week for the purpose of avepgjpg tbe butcheries in Afghanistan . ' .. ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ - ¦ . ' ¦ -V ' - ¦'¦ ¦' - ' - ¦ ¦ : ¦¦ ¦ ¦' ; ¦ ¦ ¦ , ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦¦¦ ' '
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Taxb 0 PP £ KT . —Whenever any statement is doubted in Lancashire , ifc is significantly called " Tamboffery . " 5 > iPBOTE 5 iHfT in Omnibuses . —A patent has been recently obtained by Mr . Warburton , for a novel sort of omnibus . The model has been shown to many persons at the residence of the patentee , in Upper Baker-street , London . The improvements on the old style of carriages are these : —the draught is lightened by the height of the front and hind wheels being equal . Hie carriage can be turned in a shorter space than a common omnibus , by the frost wheels having a space high enough to run under the body of the carriage , there being no straight perch to prevent them . There is a division between the front and back parts of the body of the
omnibus , and the front part ib so constructed , that by means of moveable pannels it may be divided into two or three separate parts , so that a passenger who wishes to be entirely alone may be accommodated as snugly as if in a cab or private carriage . To the front division there is a side door with a step contrived to afford immediate ingress or egress from or to the pavement without the annoyance « f mud and dirt . There is also an external portion resembling the coujji of a French diligence , by which outsid * e passeugers can eDJoy tbe fresh air and be protected from the rain . The patentee affirms the weight of the whole and the draught will be lessened considerably below that of ihe lumbering , clumsy conveyances , in which the public are now packed like coal sacks , and jolted through the streets and avenues of the town .
EXTRAOBDINABY P . EBFOHSUNCE OF Dm ^ E WORship : —On Sunday morning divine service was performed at the Institution of the Refuge for the Adult Destitute . Deaf and Dumb , in Bartlets's-bHildin ^ s , Holborn . The congregation was composed chitfly of deaf and dumb persons , and this is the first attempt at instructing in scriptural doctrines by public worship that class of the suffering commnnity labouring under the deprivation of the senses of hearing and spe&kiDg ever made . The service was conducted in the following manner , and presented a most interesting scene : —Mr . Rosser , a deaf and dumb gentleman , performed , if it may be so termed , selections from the morning service , which was done by making signs with his fingers , and the rapidity with which he did it was wonderful . The Lord's prayer was
delivered entirely by pantomimical gestures , and was a beautiful specimen of expressive silence . After the morning service Mr . J . G . Simpson delivered a short but eloquent discourse from the Soih chapter of Isaiah , and it was conveyed to his audience through the medium of signs , as he slowly proceeded , by Miss Janet Cronch , a remarkably intelligent little girl , only eight years of age , who , although neither deaf nor dumb , is a 3 convers&nt with the signs as the oldest of the adult deaf and dumb members of ihe institution . The rapidity of the child ' s motions by which she conveyed the discourse delivered by Sir . Simpson Wa 3 astonishing . At the conclusion of tho discourse the deaf and dumb were asked by
tbe same medium of signs whether they perfectly understood what had been delivered , to which they assented . Tbe singular spectacle of the Holy Scriptures being expounded by signs was altogether of a most impressive nature . The service will be continued for the present at the institution in Bartlett'sbnildings every Sunday morning . It is in contemplation to have a regular place of worship in connection with this society for the deaf and dumb portion of the community , of whom it is estimated there are in London alone several thousands , wio mil thus be enabled to participate in the benefits of tbe publishing of the Gospel , from which , they hare np to this time been debarred .
Suffocation of Seven valuable Hoeses . —On Friday evening , between ten and eleven o ' clock , as a person was passing by the stabling of Mr . Goring , an -extensive carcass and contracting butcher , at Staines , he observed emoke issuing througH the creviceB of the shutters and doors . He immediately gave an alarm of fire , and upon the doors being opened the whole of the interior was fonnd to be so thickly filled with dense smoke , which proceeded from a heap of half-consumed hay and straw in one corner , that it was some minutes before any one
would venture in , from the fear of beiBg suffocated . Water was soon procured , and the fire from the ignited and smouldering straw speedily quenched . The seven horses , however , which had been left for the night upwards of two hours before , were found lying in their stalls dead from suffocation . Every means were speedily resorted to in the hope of restoring them , but they were totally ineffectual . It is supposed that a spark must have fallen from the candle of the last person who was in the stable , and thus have caused the ignition of the straw and the unfortunate loss of Mr . Goring .
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Malta , April 5—William Cuming , a seaman of the Cambridge , after a trial which occupied nearly two days , has been declared , by sentence of a courtmartial assembled on board the Impregnable on the 31 st ult . and 1 st inst . j guilty of the murder of a boy belonging to the Cumbridge , while the vessel was lying at Gibralter , and sentenced to be hung on board of his ship . The prisoner made no defence , and the case was made out by letters under Ws own handwriting to the deceased's mother , communicating his intention of taking the boy ' s life , with a view of saving him from falling into yice arid Bin , wWch his situation in life subjected him to . The prisoner appears to have committed the act in a moment of religious frenzy ; but baying shown no previous or subsequent symptoms of mental derangement , the Court could not do otherwise than pronounce tbe . gentenoe of tte law under the articles of war .
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TO THE EDITOR , OP THE NORTHERN STAB . SI a , —Allow me , through the medium of your paper , to f'ffer to the Chartists a few remarks , which , if acted upon , will form a fund for the support of our Convention , Executive Council , and the paying of lecturers for the propagation of our principles . In laying my views before the publie , I donot expect to please all , nor to offer my scheme as a perfect one , but I do say that it is a safe « ne ; and as it . regards the working classes , who are to ba the life and soul of it , they will sustain no injury by its operations , although they will be called upon to carry it out
The plan is this : let every association throughout the kingdom appoint men to visit a shopkeeper or a provision warehouse , ( bu 6 let hint be a Chartist ) , and ask him whether he will , if the Chartists aa a body come to his shop and purchase their commodities allow them a certain per centage on all they buy ; and if bo , name the sum , and inform him of your object in making such a request ; and if such an one can be found , theu let the Gnartists , to , a man , unanimously agree to trade with that person , and they will find , in a few -weeks , they will have several pounds at their command , without risking anything or injuring them in any shape , and yet be supplied with an article equal in all respects to one bought elsewhere , aud under different circumstances .
This , Sir , in ray opinion would be one cf the principal means to bling over the shopocracy to our principles , inasmuch aa it might be extended to every branch of trade by similar means . I am aware that some will object to the plan , becauso the shopkeeptr will bo berietitted . I grant it But is he not : becefltted now , and yet an enemy to our principles . But on this score the society will have the greatest benefit , and nobody will be injured , except the shopkeeper , and he not so much as those who are now struggling for their political freedom . In fine , does not the tradesman live out of the working class , and pocket all the profits ? But in this case we should share them , and at the same time it would be the means of lightening the burdens from the shoulders of the working millions , aid place them on the backs of those who are better able to bear them .
This , Sir , in my estimation , is the only way to achieve our object , if they will not help us one way , we ought to make them do it another . Co . operative Secieties , if carried out , would be more effectual than the plan I prepose ; but , as many difficulties lay in the way , such aa a capital to commence witb , and confidence in patties to manage it , &c , all these are obstacles which must be mtt and overcome , before such a society could be made to work ; but in this instance we have nothing to do but make the application . Commence operations , arid the first week we are savers of a few pounds , without any effort or outlay on our part . Now , suppose every Bub-society in the kingdom , numbering 100 members , were to lay out weekly five shillings . This would amount to twenty-five pounds , &nd , if the shopkeeper had agreed to give eightpence in
the pound upon all he sold in this way ,-it would amount to 16 s . 8 d . per week , a sum sufficient , I judge , for © very society for their extras , . See . But in some instances , one shilling , o * five per cent , might be obtained , and this would be £ l ' 5 s ,- Now , apply this to the entire body , which , supposing they were only 25 , 000 , averaging five shillings weekly , at five per cent , this would realise £ 625 , which sum would pay three hundred lecturers , at thirty shillings per week , and then leave £ 175 for the eupport of the Executive Council and National Cinvention : and again , I repeat without injuring or burdening the Chartists in any shape . Your's , truly , In the cause of Chartism , AN UNFtrNCHISG CHABXISX . Leicester , April 18 , 1842 .
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N . B . Our opponents , through their agents , with a view to deprive us of pecuniary aid , having industriously circulated that we had abandoned the contest , we beg thus publicly no state that such assertions are absolutely false—that it is our determination to prosecute it by every lawful means at our disposal to a successful issue * and for which purpose , we solicit the continuance of that support , the friends of humanity and justice have hitherto so kindly and so liberally bestowed upon us . ' , Thomas Shortt , ' Secretary of Masons . 6 , Agnes-street , Watetloo-road , ~ Lambeth , London .
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THE NORTHEM STAR , 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 23, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct887/page/7/
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