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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1842.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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PREPARATION OF THE POOS MAN'S COMPANION , FOR 1843 . IN tho Press , aud will bo Published in the latter end of October uext , tho FUUH MAN'S COMPANION , and POLITICAL ALMANACK , for 1 S 43 , by Joshua Hobso . v . Particulars of contents in future announcements .
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THE COUNCIL OF THE NA . TIONAL COMPLETE SUFFRAGE UNION TO POLITICAL REFORMERS OF ALL SHADES OF OPINIONS . "We address you , feilow countrymen , deeply impressed \ ritli the moral obligations of men and citizens , whose duties have been imposed on us by an authority greater than princes or rulers , commandini ? us to " do vnlo ali —— as w iro * d tcish them to do unto us , " consequently requiring ns ta lend that aid , -which ourselves would desire , to extricate from their condition the millions of cur bretiaen who , by the oppression or neglect of rulers , are plunged in the lowest depths of misery , groping in Ignorance , and daily sinking in crime . Christian
Tbough ~ e belieTe that that great obligation calls upon all men to assist in freeing their brethren ¦ from the power of the oppressor , yet , at this crisis , we address ourselves especially to you , the Reformers of the United Kingdom ; because it is fer you—the-sctive and intelligent spirits of progession—you , who desire to see justice established 'where justice is enthroned—it is for you in your energy , union , and self-sacrificing resolution to determine , whether our country shall rise In freedom , knowledge , and happiness , or sink as a land of becgared serfs , beneath the paralysing power of a corrupt and selfish oligarchy . In thus addressing you , we desire not to arouse your pistons , we would only awaken the nobler feelings of jusiice , humanity , and Christian du ^ y , considering our cause too sacred to be promoted by violence , or benefited by -wrong .
To you we need not depict the wide-spread misery of our country : most of yon are familiar with it in all its sickening forms , and vast numbers of you are already its victims . But we ask you , with all the sober earnestness of men and Christians , whether you will unite with H 3 in one general bond of brotherhood ? and by perseverlcg , peaceful , energetic means , resolve , at any personal sacrifice , to stay the progress of our national debasement—to check the ravages of starring poverty —to remove the drag chains of monopoly , the overburdening pressure of taxation , the progress of crime , the race-destroying curse of war , and , under the biessin ? of heaven , free our country from the accumulating evils of corrupt aud selfish legislation ?
Feiiow counlrymen , we are not desirous of interfering with your present local arrangements , but we call upon you to rnett us in the spirit of truth and Justice , to deterain ? . with singleness of purpose vchut is . best ( o he done to ijr \ tf the political and social deliverance of our country , and tavuig once dtternuned to concentrate our ali our energies to the accomplishment of such a glorious coc-utrimation . This we think can be "d « ne , -without the amalgamation of societies between wham differences cf opinions and modes of action exist ; this can be done lega . ly , comlitation&llj ' , and effectively ; ail that is necessary for its accomplishment ia union , enerry , and ; self Eicrifice , or . id ! points of agreement , and forbear-1 sne ? , toleration , and Christian charity , where differences ] of opinion to exist-
But in toe election of representatives to meet m such . a Conference , all party spir it must be excluded , all j efforts far forcing individual views through t -e power j of numbers must- be avoided ; a victory-obtained by i such intolerant , overbearing policy , would be to defeat j our oi-j-c *—that of having a faiuy . constituted Na-i tional Co > feeence , a body in whom all shades of j JUfurnierg among tte middle and working classes may i place confluence , and under whose peacsJul and legal I guidance we may unitedly contend , till "we have se- j cursd the bieEsing and fruits of freedom . . !
We are zf : so desirous that the--ensuing Conference i shall be the meaca of effecting a better understanding , and closer niiion between the middle arid working i clissas , than has hitherto existed » feeling convinced ,: that so lorig as the enemies of the people can keep j thtro divided , so loDg will they boti be victimised by a j corrupt asd liberty-bating aristocracy . We call , there- , fore , upon the middle classes to send ( heir represents- { fives ij confer with those of the working classes , to see I tovr far they eiu remove the cause of animosity , ap- ; prehecsion , and disunion ; how far arrangements may i to
b 3 iLi ^ e secure ou r mutual objects speedily and pecctaliy , fmA thus free ourselves from \ ce grasping tnsolenes cf faction , guard againBt the storm of anarchy , be secure aijainst miliUry despotism , and unitedly raising up tbe intelligence and virtues of ths democracy on the- r _ 5 s of free institutions , hatten the con-Eutitcation of that happy period , when " our swords ahull bs beaten i : to pUnghshares , and cur spears into prur .: n ? nooks , " and when- every man shall sit down in p-. 2 . ce snJ security to e £ J 37 the fruits of honest industry .
Hiring teen appointed to make arrraEgements for the caiiin .-: of s . Conf ^ renea to consider the details essential for the carry ng out of the principles on which the ^ radoral Complete Suffrage Union is fousde-1 ; r . nd as its par ^ nn o-ui . t < -Vjsct is to effect a union biliceen the ' midd ' e and icorking dosses , to secure llie just and equal ' rrprtscnlalioTi of the vchoie peop le , we think it our duty to submit rich propositions for the considers I " , on of the Cacfrrence as may be best pro _ otive of that end . T . ' e ther ^ f > re Enb—itthe following propositions for the consideration cf the Conference , which we call uprn : you , the R ^ -rmers cf the United Kingdom , to ' elrtt : — i
1 . To de ^ ei—ine on the essential details an act , cf Parliame .-. t , E = cei 3 arv fer Eecaring the just represen-, tition cf tLa -n-hole Etiultmale population ef the United K ng . io-n of Great B-it-in and Ireiand ; such act to embrace the principles and details of Complete Suffrage , equal eiec : < . ra ! uistrics , vot ^; bv ballot , no property quaiiScatioa , pajai-iit cf members , and annual parlisujects , as adopted by the first" Complete Suffrage Conference .
2 T « d-. termire whit members cf parliament shall , be sppcLuUd to introduce tfcesaid act into the House of ; Cczr . mou ?; a _ d in wbat cenner other members of the Hc-Uce ftail be called upon to support it . ; 3 To endeavour to asc-. rt ; in how far the frien < i 3 of . CTirestrictrd a .- > d tb ?' jiute freedom of trade will unite , ¦ with us to obtain Euth au act of parliament , provided ; we Kso ] pe to use our se ^ iv acauirffd franchise in f-ivoar ' cf such freedom cf trale , and to vote only for such as wiJ pied £ 3 tiirinselTiS in its favour . j 4 . Tout 7 : i . ethe brst means for maintaining competent pitliarnbtiaiy canoicates pledged to cur principles ; tbt ra-jst tS-. c' . 'da \ n-c-ai-. s by wh . ch assiat ^ nce may bs rendered to tb :: a in L . U electoral contests ; and also tLe bcit meics f ? r rf-2 L , t = ring the electors and nonelwtors thrfUihc-ui the kingdom who may be disposed to promtte oar c 5 j'Cts .
5 To conti . icr the propriety of calling . upon tke mu- •; nicipal electors to adopt iun-.-diate measures for secur- i ing the eltctiun of such men < . n ! y to represent them in their li > cil govcmiEents , as nre huowa to be favourable j to the principles of complete suSfrige . i 6 . To cill upc-n cur fciio-sf-c-juntryrnen seriously to conbider tha great cst ? Et to which , in Tarious ways . ' they williurly co-rr ^ rate with their eppresso rs ; and j tsctris-in how far vb- ^ y nnj be disprie ^ i to p rove their devotion t « the causss of liberty , ' ' y refciing to ba used , for ihe peruses of -war , crueity . and injustice , snd ' particularly by the disaas ^ f int-.-S ' . ratir . ; sr t ' . cles , 7 . To express thtJr opinion as to tbe propriety cf the people civ ' . rg their eounUnancy cud support to all those "she inny Evffir from e ; riUi . ing thrlr cauic .
8 . To iptinni . ve the best ! tca ! . ir . i constitutional means fjr energetically and peac ^ bly promoting the above u ' rj-cta ; f j r checking r . ll kinca of violence and ccinmctk : a by -which tbe enemy triDmrh' ; for th » dLsssmination cf sound p ? lit ; e-ii kno ~ k " ..-e , and for ypreE'Jin ^ the principles of sobriety , renc ;' , and toleration throughout the country , Lad by evtty just and viitucos ni&acs preparing tfcs peop ' e for the prcpsr exerciss of tb = ir pt-iitical and social rights . 9 . Tj dovise ni « an 3 fr-r raising a national fund for the purpose o ; promoting the ibovo objects , as weiiasto protect all persens who . i : ; thtir peaceful prcstcution of them , shall btrconie vict ' uis ef unjust laws tr de 3 pot : c ordinances .
In crcicr to cxnvince the middle cLissc-s that the worki-is : pspulitioa t . ivo e . ^ ulterior " object iaimicil to the general wdfare cf suc ' . f-ty , we Ruvue that they mfeet in tbe forthcjrcirg Conference on terms of perfect cq-isl . ty to discuss ihts ? important propo ^ tioas ; feeliij ^ c-jnvincfd that ccr principles need ro o ' . her aid than their own iBtriLsic excellenco ; havir . g truth for their basis , snd the happir . tss of the Lurodn family for their end , and aEjrJic ^ the best guarantee fir the security of private property , which we regard as sscred ar . a inti-. n ' , tonally in the poor maa ' a labour and
the rich man ' s posseision . We thtrtfore advise that pnbiio icecringE be calitd by advertisement or placard rf l . ot lfc * 3 tir . n four diys in every tov .-a throughout tire kingdom , invitirg th ; inhabitaLts to ek-ct repre-£ rntat ; ves to ht : id a Xititcal Co ^ feitnce at BirmingbLm , en Tui-s .: ay , the £ 7 th of D ^ ceinher , 1 S 42 . for the puip-- -3- - - of deciding en an Act of PirllnnieiA f .-r securing U ; e j' ^ t representation cf tbe whole p-. ople ; end for ctt ^ -nvlai ^ g on such peaceful , legal , £ sd cocstitntiona ! meeiis as may cauEt it to become the law of these realms .
That t-s-o representatives be sent frcm the smaller towns and boioiighs , having less than 5 000 inhabitstts , and f . ur from the larger ones , excepting that lenden , Eliiiburgii , Birmingham , Manchester , Glasgow , and Liverpool may send six represuitatives , but no more . That one half of the representatives shall be appointed by tbe electors , and half by the non-electors Tee meetings for rach purpose to be- held separate , unless that both classes can agree in having ali the representatives chosen at one meeting , which we earnestly recommend ; but where they do not so agree , the two classes are not to interfere with each other ' s meetings , otherwise the electian shall be declared Toid .
That , should the authorities interfere or trespass on thi * constitutional right of public meeting , so as to prevent any meeting from being held , the leading men of the two clJLMes « h « ll then cause nomination lists to be saade out , recommending their respective candidates , such lists to be publicly notified , snd left in public situations to receive the signatures of the inhabil » ats , those having tbe greater number of signatures to be declared duly elected . That the places sending representitivia make arrangementa for defraying their expenses . That , as our Irish brethren are prohibited , by excluf ive and oppressive laws , from sending representatives i .. inch a conference , W 3 especially invite , and will > ec = ive aa visitors , all who approve of the oVject of our meeting , and who share tbe confidence of the peop " -e cf that country . ^ iicald the police or tbe authorities of any town , in their ufcsire to » Ufie public opicioo , wilfully interrupt
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or unjustly interfere vith tbe right of public m « etiog * , called for legal objeots , we advise thr ^ t the people in those places causa proper evidence t « be taken of such interruption , bo that the question may be tried in our higher courts of law ; bo that Englishmen may learn whether those xigbti of which they are proud to boast , the rights of pubUds assembling , and reasonably declaring their opinions , are sacred and inviolable , or whether they depend on the fiat of some local magistrate—on a portion of those who hate liberty—or a servant of Goverament armed with staff and sabre . Believing that the above objects are perfectly just and legal , being in conformity with our ancient constitutional osage 3 , being the only rational and proper means for ascertaining the public opinion of tbe country upon any great question affecting the general welfare , we especially invite your co-operation and support .
We remain your friends and fellow citiz 9 ns , the mem bers of the Complete Suffrage council . Signed on their behalf , Joseph Sturge . Birminghami 9 th Month , ( September ) 12 th , 1842 .
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THE PROJECTED NATIONAL CONFERENCE . Elsewhere we give the address of ilr . SrraGE ,-and the Council of the > ational complete supfjuc £ cmon , to political Reformers of all shades of opinion , in reference to this important subject . The Conference is bow fixed for Tuesday , Dec . " 27 th This arrangement ia much more likely to bean effectual one , than the former hurried project of holding the Conference on the 7 th instant . Nothing can be more important than that at this time the intelligence and
the energy of the whole people should be brought together into one foens ; concentrated and directed towards one object—the establishment and maintainance of universal justice . To effect this it is necessary that the people should understand and know each other ; that their leaders should understand and know each orher ; that as one mind and one spirit actuates all ( he honest friends of freedom , as to the end sought , so one purpose and opinion may pervade them also , as to the means by which to comp ass it . Hence we hailed with delight and satisfaction the announcement of this National Conference in the first instance .
Precipitate and ill-judged as we thought it , in the matter of the time splected for its session , we still pressed on the people the necessity of rendering it as effective as might be , at that short notice , for its avowed purpose . We saw , however , very serious objections ( independent of the despotic terrorism which might interfere with the election of delegates ) to the holding of the Conference without giving to the country due time for the consideration and
discussion of the many and important matters to be brought before it , It must of necessity , had it met a * the former period , haTe been regarded rather as a Conference of individuals in whose talent and honesty the people had some confidence , than as a Conference of delegates duly instructed ; and acquainted with the wishes of the people . This must of necessity , however wise its determinations , have detracted much from their due share of weight and influence .
Vr e regard as an object of the _ first and highest consequence the securing of unity among the people ' s friends ; the breaking down of those barriers of distinction so artfully erected bj the enemy for the separating of the people into groups and companies ranged under different leaders , and acting without concert or agreement . The robber factions know well tKe importance of keeping up disagreements upon what Mr . Stubge and his friendB very properly denominate " shades of opinion" ; and hence their villanous , and , but too successful , efforts to
draw wide the line between the people generally , whom they style O'Connorites , and such amongst them as , while agreeing with their fellows upon all main points of principle and policy , may have dissented from them upon minor and more unimportant points , such as leaderships , and personal attachment or dislike . It has always suited the purpose of the enemy to magnify these shades of opinion " into serious and important matters ; to laud those who stickle for them , as patriotic , wise , intelligent ,
and peaceful politicians ; that they may the more successfully array them against the main body of the army of liberty , upon whom they of course charge violence , physical force , and all sorts of frightfulness , without the least regard to truth and honesty either ia their laudations or their denunciations . Knowing this , we felt no surprise at the following spicy matter , which we give from the Morning Chronicle : —
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li The doctrine of Universal Suffrage has taken such a deep and general hold of the minds of the people , that it is the policy op the government XO LABOUR RATHER AT SEPARATING THE ENORMOUS MASS OF ITS ADHERENTS INTO THEIR DIFFERENT shades of greater or less incompatibility with the present order of things , than at confounding them all in the same sweeping censure and reprehension IT IS THE INTEREST OF THE GOVERNMENT ITSELF TO MAKE A WIDE DISTINCTION . • * *
" We have seen with great pleasure the tendency op events to widen the difference BETWEEN THE TWO SECTIONS OF CHARTISTS—to diminish the numbers of the violent O'CONNOR section , and augment the force of those who bold with STURGE and LOVETT . " Of course it is the game of the Chronicle and its patrons to keep up division in the Chartist ranks ; while it should be the chief object of the people to put down divisions , to draw themselves into one firm indissoluble phalanx , and for that purpose to distinguish carefully between such public characters as advocate measures likely to produce and insure a union of thought and action among the friends of right , and such as , while they talk much of union , yet minister to the upholding of division .
We think the first and chief business of a National Conference to be the devising of means , whereby the whole body of Chartists may be banded together for one object ; seeking it by simultaneous and perfectly harmonious efforts . It was on this account , and on this only , that we disagreed with the decisions of the first Sxuege Conference . We thought them to evince a desire rather to divide than to unite the people ; hence we suspected the sincerity of their professions . We could not understand why , having declared themselveB Chartists , by the adoption of the Charter , they should seek to lead away the
people from atrict unity of action , by establishing a distinct National society for Chartist purposes , instead of aiding that already in existence ; the more especially as they assigned no reason why they considered the existing Chartist organization deficient or impolitic ; and as they always disclaimed any intention of interfering with it , or any wish that it should be given up in favour of their own . This appeared to us to be inconsistent with their avowed desire for union , and we still think it so . Our opinion has undergone no change . Had the Complete Suffrage men objected to the National Organization as ineffectual , or even as illegal , and had
they , therefore , desired to supersede it by an organization which they supposed to be better suited for the accomplishment of the intended purpose and the effectual uniting of the people , we should have regarded that as a much greater evidence of sincerity , in their avowed desire for union among the people , than the course they did adopt . They did not attempt to supersede the National Organization . On the contrary , they have always said that they had no wish to do so ; that they desired to see the Chartists go on with their own organization ; while they established another scarcely differing from it at all , but yet serving to prevent the cordial co-operation of its adherents with the great Chartist body .
This very expression of a wish not to supersede , or interfere with , the existing Chartist organization , though paraded by the Complete Suffrage men and their apologists as liberal and conciliatory , has always been , and still is , to us , a very dark-looking presumptive evidence of an intention , on the part of those who urge it , only to divide the people into distinct sections , that faction might deal with them more easily . It has been urged , however , in justification , that this course was necessary , because some persons among the middle classes had expressed themselves favourable to tha principles of the Charter ,
but had not enough of patriotism to overcome per sonal considerations ; that there might be some who would join a Complete Suffrage Union , and work with Joseph Sturge , whom no consideration could induce to join a Charter Association , and work with Fkargis O'Connor , and other known leaders of the people . This argument seems plausible at first sight , but is deceptive , and furnishes an admirable answer to itself . The object of the National Charter Association and Feabgus O'Connor is well known ; it is to carry the Charter ; the avowed object of Joseph Sturge and the Complete
Suffrage Union is precisely the same thing . If then * Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Unionj « - laid to carry the Charter , and if they be sincere in tho expression of their opinion , that it cannot be carried without union , and of their consequent desire to promote union , they must intend , however dissevered in name , to work in unison with Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association ; the more especially as they openly avow that they do not wish to see these set aside , but want to see them go on And if Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union be seeking precisely the same thing as
Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association , and working in unison , with them for its attainment , these fastidious sticklers must be arrant fools not to see that in working with Josefh Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union , they are working with Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association . It comes then to one of two things , either the Complete Suffrage Union is intended to counteract the efforts of the Chartists , and so to prevent the attainment of the Charter , under the guise of seeking it ; or the advantages of perfect unity of action by the people are sacrificed
for the mere pleasing of a few fools who suppose a difference between sheep ' s flesh and mutton , and who thus prove themselves incapable of bringing to the movement any such stock of sense or honesty as may be useful to it . On either of these suppositions the existence of the two bodies is an evil . Nothing is of go much moment and consequence as oneness . Every other consideration ought to be unhesitatingly thrown overboard by the people until they have that first of all requisites to a successful public struggle , an agreement of opinion and operation , among their recognised leaders , and the consequent concentration ' .-of their own powers .
We believe that a really National Conference , chosen" freely and fairly" by the whole people , would do much towards the effecting of this object ; and we therefore rejoiced at the proposal of Mr . Siurge to summon such a conference . We are always willing and desirous to ascribe whatever we dissent from rather to imperfect judgment than to evil purpose ; and we regarded this step of Mr . Sturge and tha Council of the Complete Suffrage Union as the first evidence we had yet seen of their sincerity in desiring to unite in one virtuou 3 phalanx the people and their friends .
The time , originally fixed on was , as we have before said , ill-chosen for the honest carrying out of the avowed purpose ; it was calculated to engender a suspicion that the real purpose was to take advantage of the confusion which the League scoundrels had succeeded ia creating—of the temporary consternation among the people—and to widen the breach between the two sections of Chartists , " as the Morning Chronicle has it . We did not overlook this , but we never impute motives wrongfully ; and as we had so proof that this was the motive , we of course did not impute it . We implored
the people only to take care that the Conference should be really National , and that its members should be men whom they could trust . That ground of suspicion iB removed . There is now enough of time before the meeting of the Conference for the fermentation to Bubside , for the coolness of the people to return , and for all proper and necessary steps for the election of delegates to be taken . We assumed , and took for granted in the first instance , that the avowed objeot of the
conveners of this Conference was their r « al object ; that they purposed , by a bringing together of the 11 people's friends , " "freely" chosen so as "fully and fairly" to represent the people , to decide upon and adhere to a ^ specific course of conduct ; " that v'heir purpose was ' to inquire into the causes of division , with a view to their removal , and to form the whole people into one compact body . We were delighted at the prospect , and prepared to help forward so desirable a project with our whole might . We feel a little disappointed , therefore , at
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perceiving , or thinking we perceive , in the very outset of the address now issued , some evidence that our pleasing anti-cessations were unreal . We may misunderstand the following paragraph , though we are desirous not to do so' — "Fellow countrymen , use are not desirous of interfering with your present local arrangements , but we call upon you to meet ia the spirit of truth and justice , to determine , witfr Bingleness of purpose what is best to be done to effect the political and sooial deliverance of our country , and having once determined to concentrate all our energies to the accomplishment of such a glorious consummation . This we think oan be done , without the amalgamation of societies between whom differences of opinions and modes of action exist /'
This seems to us to indicate , on the part of Mr . Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Council , a purpose to withstand any effort to obtain unity of operation by an amalgamation of the two societies . We think we have shown sufficiently , already , that two National societies , having the same object ; , cannot co-exist without materially weakening and injuring each other . We think , therefore , that whenever a National Conference of the people ' s friends may be holden , one of their most grave and serious matters of consideration will be , the best
means of amalgamating the whole people into one . body , which , animated by one soul , guided by one head , should proseoute one objeot , and that object the downfall of faction and the establishment of right . It will be for those who think that separate societies may exist , and pursue the same object unitedly , to show how this can bo done ; and if it be made apparent that the people's cause oan be better served without such an " amalgamation , " none will more earnestly , more heartily , and more cheerfully subserve purposes , and adopt recommendations so sustained , than we .
The Council of the Complete Suffrage Union have very properly suggested several propositions , which they think ought to be discussed by such a National Conference as should " freely , fully , and fairly " represent the whole people at this crisis of affairs . If we understand rightly the address , it is intended that tho discussion of the nine propositions therein contained shall constitute the whole business of the Conferenco ; and in truth they seem to us to be sufficiently
comprehensive in character for all the legitimate purposes even of such a Conference . We request attention to these nine propositions . It is most important that the people should well understand them . There is room for much discussion , and for a variety of opinions , on each of them , except , perhaps , tho seventh and ninth , on which we fancy there is not much room for discussion . The seventh runs thus : —
' To express their opinion as to the propriety of the people giving their countenance and support to all those who may suffer from espousing their cause . " We presume that on this question there can be but one opinion among those who deserve the name of u friends of the people ; " and amongst these we desire certainly to rank Mr . Sturge and the council of the Complete Suffrage Union : but we can
not permit that desire to induce us to conceal from the people our knowlege of the fact , that at a meeting of that Council , we believe the very same meeting at which these propositions and this address were agreed to , a copy of an address from the Committee for the defence of George White , presented by deputation to the Chairman , requesting the cooperation and assistance of the Council in raising funds for his defence , was returned with the single word " NO 1 " written on a bit of paper !
This fact is testified to us by one on whose veraoity we can rely . We leave it to give to the people its own evidence of the anxiety of the Complete Suffrage Council to " countenance and support those who may suffer from espousing the people ' s « ause . " We can entertain no doubt that the people and their friends , through the whole country , will gladly help the Council of the Complete Suffrage Union , in the words of their ninth proposition , "to devise means for raising a National Fund for the purpose of promoting all the objects connected with the attainment of the Charter , as well as to protect all
persons who , in their peaceful prosecution of them , shall become victims of unjust laws or despotic ordinances ; " but we scarcely think that this fund would be best raised , or those persons best protected , by the mode which the council thought fit to adopt in reference to George White . " NO , " will pay " no" fees to counsel ; will provide " no" sustenance for starving wives and children ; will give " no" encouragement to others to fill up the gaps made in our ranks by tyranny ; will give " no" impetus to the desponding energies of patriotism whilst suffering in the people's' cause ;
will furnish " no" motive , such as usually acts on human nature , to inoreased ardour or perseverance : will give " no" check to the rude licence of authority ; offer " no" bar to the inroads of faction ; give " no" furtherance to the cause of right . In fact , this " no" is just the most useless thing that can be , as a means for the effectuating of any good purposo ; though it is oue that we oan well recommend the people to make U 3 e of when their consent or co-operation to or with evil , however well disguised , may be required . This act of the Complete Suffrage Council , in writing " NO" upon tho application of the
Chartists for poor White , may form a useful precedent . We like short replies , and to the point . We hope that tho people will take lessons in this school of brief eloquence . We recommend them , when they are next asked to " countenance and support " those who are countenanced and supported by the Morning Chronicle , to write " NO" across the paper We advise them , when they are asked to " widen the breach between the two sections of Chartists , ' ' to reply " NO . " We advise them , if they are asked whether there are or can be " two sections of Chartists , " to reply " NO . " " He that gathereth not with us scattereth abroad . "
Seriously , we regret much this act of the Complete Suffrage Council . It tells little for the sincerity of their much-vaunted liberal and charitable views and of their avowed desire to unite the people in one holy bond of brotherhood against tyranny in all its forms . We have said that the propositions o be brought before the Conference are important ; hat they require and deserve the best attention of the people . We again recommend them to attention : especially the third : — " To endeavour to ascertain how f&r the friends of unrestricted and absolute freedom of trade will unite with us to obtain such an Act of Parliament , provided we resolve to use our newly-acquired franchise in favour of such freedom of trade , and to vote only for such as will pledge themselves in Us favour "
The great point to which we have always sought to keep tho attention of the people , in connexion with theSTURQE men has been this : however anxious they may really tie for the obtainment of the Charter , there is too much reason to suppose that it is not from any love of the Charter , but because they regard it as a means whereby their Free-trade theories can be wrought out . We detest all subterfuge and trick . We desire to see the people bind themselves to no oours * but that whioh they are prepared to follow ; and we desire to see them universally regard their pledge ag binding . Hence we would caution them most seriously against sending delegates to any Conference with instructions to pledge the people to use the franchise
when they get it , only for " Extension" and " League" purposes , and to vote only for such candidates as pledge themselves in favour of those purposes . The objeot of this proposition is , most clearly , supposing it oouldbe carried by the Conference , to deliver the whole movement and give the whole strength of the agitation to the Free Traders ! the very thing against whioh we warned the people as the purpose of the Stubge men on their first coming out . If anything could have inoreased our mispioion of the Sturgk men , and confirmed our opinion of the insincerity of their whole movement , it i the wording Of this proposition . And if any further confirmation hwd been wanting ; if we had wished for evidence ,
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whioh God knows we did not , that this Conference was projected without any reference to , or bare for , the people ' s interests , but simply for the purpose of making them tools in the hands of faction , we have that evidence abundantly supplied ia the conditions laid down in thia address for the election of the representatives . Those conditions are : — " That one-half of the representatives shall be appointed by the electors , and half by the non .-electors . The meetings for such purpose to be held separate , unless that both classes can agree in having all the representatives chosen at one meeting , which we earnestly recommend ; but where they do not so agree , the two classes are not to interfere with each other ' s meetings , otherwise the election . shall be declared void . "
A more glaring exhibition of the real object and purpose of the getters-up of this Conference , a more certain proof that it is an " extension" and "League" job , that it is a deliberately concocted plot , to sell the people into the hands of the freetrading crew of flesh-mongers , could not have been exhibited , than is here given . A more bare-faced evidence of hypocrisy it has seldom been our lot to see , than the proposition for this " National" (!) Conference furnishes . Mr . Sturge and his Council talk glibly , as if reading from a book , about a "fairly constituted National Conference ; " the
italics and small capitals are their own . They say that "in the election of representatives to meet in such a Conference , all party [ spirit must be excluded , all efforts for forcing individual views through the power of numbers must be avoided . " They state the object of the Conference to be" to secure the just and equal representation of the whole people ? and yet they insist that one-half of the representatives to this " National" Conference shall be appointed by the electors , and the other half by the non-electors , and that , in any case of this rule being deviated from the election shall be declared void i . ' And this is Mr . Sturge ' s
way of securing a just and equal representation of the whole people 1 !! If the people need any further argument to convince them that Mr . Sturge and the whole party with whom he acts , seek only to use the people as tools for the serving of their own ends , they are much duller than we take them to be . Nothing can be more important than that the people should know their friends ; that they should know who seek to promote their interests , and who seek merely to use them for the promotion of their own interests . We havo all along suspected that these very democratic middle classes were not the men to trust , and we are now satisfied of it . We . trust
the people are so too , and that the Sturge men will have the glory of their Conference to themselves . The people want no " national" Conference , in which " individual" and " party" views shall be " forced through the power of numbers . " They know that the present House of Commons is appointed by tbe Electors ; they know how that house has treated all matters and things appertaining to the Charter ; they know how it received the National Petitions ; they know how it treated the Dorchester Labourers ; they know how it now treats Frost and his co-victims ; they know how it supported the Whig Government in its crusade against Chartism in 1839 ; they know how it now
supports the Tory Government in a like crusade ; they know how it has invariably , by every means and at all hazards , perpetuated class distinctions and class domination ; they know all this ; and they know that that House is appointed by the Electors ; and they know consequently that it needs no conjuror to find out that a " National" Conference , with onehalf of its delegates appointed by the electors , and with friend Sturge and his Council to make up the majority , would adopt no " specific course of conduct " that they did not think likely still to perpetuate class distinction and domination . No , no , friend Stuhoe ; we gues 3 the people will write "NO" upon that document .
Besides , what a piece of vile hypocrisy to cant about " full , fair , and free representation ; " to call this a " National" Conference ; and to talk of its " securing a just and equal representation of the whole people , " while the half of its delegates are appointed by a fraction of less than half a million out of twenty-seven millions ! II "Full , fair , and free , " eh , friend Sturge ! We guess , " NO . " The people have been at that shop too often .
The Conference w * s chiefly valuable as it might afford an opportunity of testing the sincerity , and determining the character of those who affect to be leaders in the Sturge movement . It was chiefly valuable , as it promised a settlement of differences , and a bringing together of the people ; who had been separated by the " new new-moving" project . This was the chief useful object which the Conference , had it been held , and had it been national , could have accomplished . Sturge and the Council have accomplished it already ! They have shown us plainly
their object and their drift . We know them now . The simple and unsuspecting who have been entrapped by them into their " new move" snuggery will speedily escape . The people will , if we mistake not greatly , do that effectually now which in our first article upon the last Conference at Birmingham , we told them was what they should do : they will leave them alone in their littleness ! They will point at them the finger of scorn , and say , "Ah ! Messrs . Full , Fair , and Free , you had baited your snare with chaff ; but its no go ! The Chartists are old birds , and not to be thus caught !"
We think , then , the question of the Sturge Conference is now settled . The people will not be so " green" as to take the least notice of any thing said or done by such a "National Delegation , " even if the super-farce ; the bye-play , of hypocrisy and idiocy , should be enacted . We trust , however , that it will not ; or , at all events , that if the Sturge men are determined to have a " talk" of their own and call it a " National
Conference , " they will recall the preseut proposition , and issue one in whioh there shall be less risk and more common sense . If in every other respect the calling of this Conference had been perfectly unexceptionable we should have implored the people on no account to permit a single delegate to be appointed to it without a revision of the terms in which it is called . Mr . Sturge and his Council " advise that public meetings be called by advertisement , or placard of not less than four days , in every town throughout the kingdom , inviting the inhabitants to elect representatives to hold a National Conference at Birmingham , on Tuesday , tbe 27 th of December , 1842 , FOR
THE PURPOSE OF DECIDING ON AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT . " Thia is either rank folly or rank treachery . We presume not to say , which ; though we hope and belinve it to ba . the former . The Conference cannot decide upon an Act of Parliament . It may decide upon the preparing of a Bill , and upon the asking of some M . P . to introduce that Bill into Parliament . This is all it canldo ; a » d this is all it can legally meet to do . If the Conference meet to DECIDE ON AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT it commits Treason I !! It usurps the functions , and sets aside the authority of Parliament ;
making itself into a legislative body . We should think Mr . Sturge and his Council need not to be instructed , how very necessary it is , j ust now especially , in all popular movements , to be cautious ; to commit , neither by deed or word , an infraction of the law ; and to give no pretext to the tools of despotism to interrupt onr operations . It surely is not necessary to remind those who write " NO " upon the applications made to them to support those who are suffering from alleged violations of law , that they Bhould at all events be careful not to lead the people into violations of the law .
We say nothing of the not , that it might have been a foul plot to get together all the people ' s friends—all those in whom they have trust and confidence—all those upon whose talent , energy , and perseverance the movement hangs , and consign the whole batch at one swoop to Government * We say nothing of the fact , that this might have been the intention of the concoctora of this " national" affair ; we do not believe it was so ; we have no doubt that the matter which we have just pointed out , and which will entail the legal crime of treason upon every man who may attend that Conference , is a mere blunder , a mistake ; and we oan only say , God help the si mpletons who trust to these blunderers as leaders ! The Complete Suffrage Council , in the . whole matter of this Con-
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ference have shown themselves to be as utterl y void of all business capacity as of « q political honesty . It is always a moat painful thing to us to see any man or men in . » position which of necessity writes knave or fool upon the forehead ; and we ; are doubly sorry when it happens , as in the present instance , that we are reluctantly compelled to replace the or by and . So it is , however ; we are sorry for it , but cannot help it . The people now know the Sturgb men ; they have written their own character in words which can never be washed out . They have proved their whol « movement to be now , and to have been from Ht beginning , a dishonest movement , and they hart proved themselves to be utterly incapable of sustaining with any degree of decent tact , the prominent position they have assumed in that movement .
We now repeat the opinion we expressed respecting them at their debut . On the 16 th of April , in this year , the week after the close of their Conference at Birmingham , and when the Complete Suffrage Union was bat resolved to be established , we wrote thus : — " We shall probably be looked to for some opinion upon what course the people should pursue as to the future movements of this new self-constituted " National" Complete Suffrage Association . Here then is our opinion at once . The people should have nothing to do with them . They should leave them alone in their littleness , and laugh at them . The people must not oppose them ,
for , they profess to be seeking the advancement of our principles ; let them , therefore , go on their own way ; and if they are determined to go alone —if they are determined to make a foot-road for themselves alongside the people ' s turnpike , u God ' s name , let them walk on in it until theii ancles ache and they begin to feel their loneliness . But support them against the factions in all their assertions of the great principles of liberty , If they should be weak enough to take the open field in defence of our principles relying ou their own strength , rush to the rescue , lest th \ enemy should overcome them ; let them not , by anj means , be beaten by the open and avowed advocates of class legislation . Oa every publio occasion when the Complete Suffragites muster for the assertion of our common priuciples , there let the Chartists muster
with them to a man ; let there be no such division ia our ranks as the enemy ean take advantage of ; let them be well protected , and by our assistance made triumphant , in every pnblio assertion of our principles which they may attempt . But never leave them without letting them know to whom they are indebted ; never leave a meeting without a resolution pledging the people to their old leaders , so long as these remain faithful ; to their tried friends , who have braved the battle and the breeze ; to their own national organization , which they know to be legal and efficient , aud to the evi . dence of sincerity to the cause by enrolment in the National Charter Association . This is the adriee we give the people ; we give it in all sincerity and earnestness ; and we tell them , that if it be not heeded , they are likely to have bitter and abundant reason for repentance . "
We have not one word to add to , or alter in , this advice now . All that the people have to dj with them is to do nothing with them—to let then alone .
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THE LAST OF THE "STARVED VIFER . " Mr . O'Connor's letter will be found in ourBixti page . We have just one word to add to it . Mr . O'Connor might have stated an important fact which he has omitted , for what reason we knot not ; we shall supply it as it affords a key to tia whole conduct of the " viper" for some montla back . While in Lancaster Castle he told Mahtu that he saw no other way of getting through tlsa world but by opposing O ' Connor and the $ ar , Martin made this statement immediately afts his liberation ; and all succeeding events have served to verify it . The peopb
have now the key to the whole mystery .-It has been dragged from us very reluctantly , we hid much rather have shrouded than exposed him ; but since nothing less would serve him , there it is The people now know " Jemmy O'Brikh ,- " and we have great pleasure in shaking hands with bo disagreeble a subject . He may now be-foul his own cess-pool at his Insure . He may rave as he pleases ; lie as he likes ; we have nothing more to say than farewell" Jemnj O'Brien" ! His name shall never again , if we ' eu help * it , be mentioned , even incidentally , in ca columns .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Countrymen , —Our country is now in that state that calls for the active exertions of every one that has its welfare at heart . Borne down by the bondage and injustice of class legislation , and its manifold wrongs , tho convulsions that at present agitate it tell that the momentous crisis of its fate is at hand ; in which its native strength and energy will subdne and expel the disease that afflicts it , — or it will sink under it and be destroyed . If ever our principles were needed , no excuses but those drawn from imbecility or dishonesty can be offered ; therefore , we address you with the conviction that you are men who will not idly survey the destruction of your country ' s happiness without an effort to avert it .
Millions of our countrymen are starving , and while writhing under the fangs of hunger , feel also the mental torture of an enslaved , insulted , and degraded condition . They have asked for bread , and received bayonet stabs , musket shots , 6 abre wounds , and the bludgeon fractures of the most cowardly and vile , yet blood-thirsty ruffians . Sir James Graham has usurped the power of the legislature , and made the vagabond mercenaries of the land judges of the law—while the political partisans of the bench are labouring to subvert the constitution by declaring the Queen's proclamation to be law ; and thus laying prostrate the rights of the people at the feet of an unprincipled Home Secretary aud corrupt magistracy . We are
convinced that only by the establishment of our principles can we be relieved from thia misgovernment Our principles are widely spread through the land ; associations from them are numerous , but we have no common centre in which our powers can meet and be nnited ; each locality is left to its own . individ ual exertions and knowledge ; thua the means of union are wanting , and the efficiency of our agitation impaired , the proof of which may be seen in the late occurrences in Scotland , where , when the whole country was agitated with the question , " What shall we do" there was no authorised or known source through which the opinions of the various localities could be gathered , which led to much misunderstanding and injury to our cause , aud to individuals .
When the year commenced , your delegates met in Glasgow , and laid down the plan of an effioient organization and communication . They tlected a National Secretary , on whose office depended the proper working of the system . It can be no misfortune to say that the " office is vacant now , for it nevgr was filled . Whether from want of confidence of the people in the person appointed , or a want of desire in him to fill it , the country knows best ; but that it never was filled all will admit . If necessary when he was appointed , the National Secretary i 3 more necessary now .
Ia compliance with betters we have received fro a various places , and the desire that we know exists in others , we have taken it upon us to call a meeting of delegates , to be elected at publio meetings , and to meet in Wnitechapel , Edinburgh , on Monday , the 3 rd of October , at two o ' clock , to take * into consideration the best means to give efficiency to our agitation , and establish our principles . Among these considerations will be the organization , the election of a National Secretary , with or without a council , his or their powers and duties , the best means to improve our present organization , and to extend it ; what we should do aa to the infringement of the rights of public meetings , passive resistance , and the way and means to carry on our agnation . We trust that all parts of the country will respond to this ca-1 , and send repr * sentatives of honest intentions , sound judgment , and 3 tcrn determination , Thos . Blackie , Secretary . Edinburgh , Sept . 8 th , 1842 .
The Northern Star. Saturday, September 17, 1842.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 17 , 1842 .
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THE IMPORTANCE OF DEFENDING OTJIt VICTIM-PRISONERS BY COUNSEL . We were about to write an article on the subject , when the following , in the Evening Star of Wednesday arrested onr attention . According as it doe exactly with our ideas on the matter , we transfa
it entire : — " We beg to call the attention of our readeo to the communication of our Leicester correspondent , by which it will be found that the Charts of that town , with more prudence than some shortsighted and pugnacious politicians , have resohtd upon employing counsel for Cooper ' s defence . Wi rejoioe that their notice of tbe matter has called our attention to the Bubject , inasmuch aa we attach all importance to those trials which took place at York , and others which are to follow .
Perhaps there was no one circumstance connected with the Chartist movement , that gave a greater impetus to the cause , than the manner in which counsel for the political prisoners of 1839-40 exposed the oppressions to whioh the working classes wew subjected , and also tho manner in which tba many brilliaDt and effective speeches of comsd were made to tell upon individuals , whose opinion ^ feelings , and sympathies were proof against popoltf eloquence and the unsophisticated language »' reason and of truth telling its own unvarnished
tale . Added to this , nothing more tended to era * the sympathy whioh existed in the minds of tbo * who had a penny to spare , for those whoirew made victims of oppression . We know that tin employment of the first men at the bar for the defence of any prisoner who would have conns ^ struck terror into the Government , and taught oar rulers that the time was come when tyKBtf Bhould not stalk unopposed , or unexposed , tbiw p
the land . Had Frost , Williams , and Jones teji left to their own resources , instead of now antiapating their return to their homes at some ftt ^ period , the country would be mourning overtbo 1 tombs . This , we think , was worth the expsnee . H » it not been for the firmly-expressed resolution to defend the Bradford and Sheffield men by iheb «* talent at the bar , the Attorney-General would «* have abandoned his charge of high treason , andh »« tried them only for riot , sedition , and conspiracy
and although poor HoLBERRYhas come to antf timely end , yet would it have been anticipated w his fate upon the scaffold had not counsel for # defence threatened tyranny with further expos ^ Flaws in an indictment , and admissibility or in *" missibility of evidence ; are questions for men l&& in legal knowledge , and not for unlettered pewtf * and many are the men who have escaped the l »^
WWM W HBH . * 1 M ^ ^^ ^ »» ^ ^^^^ ^ »^ * * »* ^ ^^^^ ¦ ^ — — A | I vengeance by the discovery of a single flaw , ot rejection of inadmissible evidence ! Could * P ** operative have elicited the damning faots , " ^* from the monster ruffian Harrison , as coansei »_ We may be told that his exposure served his * ictI ~* but little . True ; but it opened the eyes of fl ^' who were before stronelv nreiudioed . Ag * to » .
it not been made subject of boast , that *» r publio opinion was smothered , every Cnart' 8 t . 'jr was a Chartist meeting , with a Judge in ^ f ' Zl It is always well for the caviller and the dis *^ fled to attempt distinctions between t he && , some who were acquitted , and who had not <*>® to defend them , and thus attempt to l «» ^ prisoners , however charged , to the sing le j ^ f ? ^ a jury , and to challenge legal men with 1 > e' * terested in damning our cause . We beg t ° _^ onr readflf ? that tha Invfl of nraise . the Pl ^^ . x
of ambition , the hope thereby to gain ao ^ ^ promotion , very much outweigh every ^ ment that the greatest legal P ^ i ^ -ajje have to gratify his political bias at ' **• f | tS of bis legal character j and never w * ^ fact more forcibly evinced , than in ^ jSl stand made by Sir Frederick Polio ^ . ^ onsel Kelly at Monmouth , and subsequenUj w ^ j for the Bradford aud Sheffield men 1
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 17, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct905/page/4/
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