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THE NOETHEKIf STAR. SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1843.
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3Smpm'aI $ 9arliam*nt
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday , Mat 2 . After the presentation of a petition bj the Duke of AaGTLl , praying for a settlement of the differences of tbe Soolch Chnrcb , ... ^__ The Marqui * of BrbadaUuhb decked his conviction of the inesJculable mischief which would ensue , if , lml « ewere not passed to settle the question . Eiahty per cent of the population would secsde from the Church aloss with their ministers . TbeXarl of Abesdees said that the Government had offered all that could be conceded , and that there vr * no intention of introdnriiig any measure on the ^ Thftecoad reading of the Townshend Peerage Bill j ^ iaed » di * cn « ion on the peculiar nature of the case and the remedy proposed . Lord GOTTESHAM opposed the Bill , as contrary to precedent , and without necessity , a legal remedy being open to the parties
Lords Brocgham , Deskas , and Campbell supported the Bill , as a remedy for a wrong whish could fiot be otherwise rectified , and the Earla of Devon aDd Wicklcw oppesed it , as being at once unprecedented and extreme . The Lord Chancellor supported the second leading . The case was a singular and extreme one , and if the facts were true , constituted a scandalous wrong , not only against individuals , but the peerage , and the privT . ejjes of the House of Lords , for which no adequate rtmedy was afforded in the conrU below . Lord Cottenham declined to press his opposition ; the Bill was read a second time ; and counsel were called in , and sn arrangement made for bearing evidence .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tpesdat , Mat 2 . Sir Robert Peel , in reply to Captain Pechell . aid that he expected in a few days the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty between France and England for regulating the fisheries , and that he would then applr to Parliament to give it effect , Mr . Hrxs brought on his motion for & vote of thanks to Lard A . shfeurton , for his management of the negotiations which ended in the conclusion of the treaty of Wa * -hirgton . He went over the history of the negotiations between Lord Ashfeurton and Mr . Webster and the nature of those mutual boundary arrangements which bare been already so ample and frequently discussed , contending that the treaty was conducive to the interest of the two nations , and honourable to the negotiator .
Dr . BoWEI 5 Gseconded the motion , remarking on the Tiolence aad injustice with which the treaty had been ssailed . and arguing that Lord Ashburton had served ^ the interests of this country . Sir Cbabi . es Napier was surprised that Mr . Hume , a plain honest Scotchman , should have followed the eccentric movements of Lord Brougham . The Government h »^ i not originated any motion for a vote of fh . TiVg to Lord Aahburton , and the conclusion was that they did not thine : that he deserved it . The question of the right of visit was left unsettled ; a suspected American vessel was warranted , by the expressed opinions of the President of the United States , in refusing to submit to the search of a British cruise ; and at this very mement we were exposed to all the risks of collision . Nor was the settlement of the boundary line between the two countries satisfactory . He m' > ved , as an amendment on Mr . Hume ' s motion , that the house do now adjourn .
Captain Bebkelet seconded the amendment , disclaiming any wish to east censure on Lord Ashburton , ; but not considering h » T" entitled to thanks . j Mr . Escott taunted the gallant officers with evading \ the question , instead of boldly meeting the motion with j a direct negative . Impartial history would hereafter j record its approbation of the conduct of Lord Ashbur- ! ton , in settling the long standing boundary dispute between the two countries . If the late Government . bad any excuse at all for sot concluding such a treaty , it m because they bad no such negotiator as the Jfoble Lori in order to effect it > Mr . Edward Bclleb regretted the introduction of the motion , and the revival of a discussion which he : deprecated . Without blaming Lord Ashburton , he did » ot see why they should step out of their way to thank - frim ' Sir Howard Dovglas , drawing on his military ! knowledge and experience , acquired during his gover- j sonhip of New Brunswick , justified the arrangements j ef the treaty . 1 Mr . Vebjoji SKITH quoted Sir Robert Peel's senti- j xoents uttered on the occasion of voting Ihe thanks of the House to the officers and men employed in the Chinese war , when be assigned precedent for not in-. eluding Sir Heary Pottenger , he being a diplomatic agent . He was therefore surprised when be found that the Right Honourable Gentleman i . tended to support the present motion . The best tbat ^ onld be said , even '
by the No Vie Lord ' s most darling friends , of tbe mission of Lord Ashburton , was that we were all out of tbe scrape . Under the treaty , we had surrendered territory , ' and the question of the right of search was left unsettled ; andpow ground had be ? n taken on the kubjeet of sltvory ii jurious to a question which , the people of % is country had deeply at beaiU Mr . Bum& was pa-Jronised , on this occasion , by the ministerial side of the Bouse ; but how was it that the Government followed bis leading , instead of having anticipated him , as they ought to have dose , if the vote cf thanks was usual , or deserved ?
Mr . Charles Bcller regretted differing with friends with wnom he usually coincided in opinion ; but , on the present occasion , he was disposed to overlook precedent , because he considered the treaty of Washington a great achievement ot diplomacy , and highly honourable and advantageous to tbe country . We forgot the succession of irritating incidents occurring on the frontier between Canada and the United States , exciting hot blood , and keeping us on th « verge of a disastrous war . Lord Ashburton not only removed these dangers , but be had procured a change in the legislation of the United States , by which such cases as that of M'Leod could BfcveT occur » c&in . We
ought not to argue the question , as if we were exclusively in the right , and were justified in insisting on the full amount of our claim * . We bad get better terms than under the award of the King of the Netherlands ; under that line the American frontier was brought inconveniently near Qiebtc , wbich was , in fact , a material and main objection to it , and of far saare importance than the territory which had been conceded under the treaty of Washington , and by which the frontier had been remorei to a satisfactory distance . This , it might be s&id , had been purchased by the concession of the navigation of the St . John . Bnt this was balanced by other advantages ; and eve : i the abandonment of the Madawaeka settlement wbj
not of the importance attributed to it For himself , he was not disposed to censure Lord Ashburton for abandoning that style of diplomacy , of which he was not disposed to speak in terms *> f very great reverence ; and he was disposed to estimate at its full valne the settlement of disputes between two great -nations , the tfiecte ot wnicb -might be as great as lasting . Sir John Hashes , admitted the importance of the treaty , but protested against setting a precedent wbich wight be disadvantageous hereafter .
Lord Stanley said that the Government would not , in the ordinary course of business , have departed from precedent , in proposing the thanks of the Bones to a negotiator , however successful- Bnt the ungenerous attack of Lord Paimerston was the moving cause of securing to Lord Ashburton tbe unprecedented honour of such a vote . Mr . Macaulay had contended that Lord Asbburton bad east a stain on British diplomacy ; yet to-night it was admitted that the treavy iras not so bad a one after all , and tbe only objection taken was to tbe unprecedented nature of the motion . There sever Lad been a treaty cooclnded in Ibe f 3 ce » f greater difficulties , or which had more effectually removed the chances of a disastrous war between two countries , every blow of which would recoil on both . In a few
months Lord Asbburton had concluded the settlement of a dispute which Lord Paimerston for several 5 ears had successfully protracted ; even the iladafraaks settlement , about which so much w&s now said , wag one of the objects which the Noble Lord , when in ofBee , had vainly offered , in order t » indnce the United States to accept the award of the King of the Netherlands . Lord Ashburton had entered on his task , after tha question had been embroiled by the management of Lord Paimerston , and after separate states were committing themselves on the subject by strong resolutions to support the claims of Maine and Massachusetts , and in six months be brought it to a conclusion . Nor had the Noble ' Lord or the Government compromised the qoestion ol the Bight of Search , though Lord Aberdeen did not imitate tbe supercilious style of Lord Paimerston , in addressing a people at once strong and sensitive , and on a subject f peculiar delicacy . Tbe United States did not
recogaise the right of search , but they agreed that it might be exercised under certain conditions of remedy foi injuries . The very contention on this subject in the Ashbarton Treaty was similar to a proposition made by Lord Paimerston in 1839 , yet he now turned r » und , and said that it was a step in the \ rrong direction ! The case of M'Leod , which the present Government , on staring office , bad found to be so imminent and dangerous , bad been successfully settled , atd its recurrence pwrided against Lord Ashborton had , in tact obtained a better military boundary than under the award of tbe King of the Netherlands , he had procured the esaatmsnt of a law wbich would prevent the reeur rente of irritating questions , an « l he made no eenees-Bios dishonourable or disadvantageous to the country Be trusted , therefore , that the House would mark iU sense of his high merits , and of the party attack which had been made on him , by supporting the motion of Mr . Hume .
Lord JOHN KCSSBLl was surprised that the Gov-rn . Bent never thought of coming to the rescue uf L ^ . rd A&hburton ' a reputation and honour , until a gentleman « a . me to their aid , who was so little disposed to upbold the honour cf this country , tkat he was the corresponde .. ot one of tfcfl chief rebels in the Carsdian insurrection The precedents adduced fey Mr . Hume for bis motior Were not very apposite ; and it would appear ss if the speeches of Lord PaJmerston and -Mr . JIacan ' sy . on the formes discas&ion © f this ¦ object , tsd produced sv pow-
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erful an tffect that they conM only be met by resolutions passed without precedent by both Houses of Parliament The right of search , asserted by this country , and denied by America , had not been settled by the Ashbarton Treaty—the very convention on the subject of repressing tbe slave trade , wbich that treaty contained , bad already bees the cause of producing an excitement in France which it required all the prudence of M . Qnizot to allay . Without going into all the complicated details of the boundary question , he declared his conviction that the tone adopted in the negotiations was not only calculated to lower us in the estimation of the world , but bad actually done so , and had produced the impression thatl our claims had only to be resisted in erder to com pa concessions . An ultimatum had been proposed and abandoned by Lord Ashburton , who bad claimed tbe
Madawaska settlement , and had resigned it , as well as the definite proposition of a river boundary , at the bidding of Mr . Webster , in a manner not calculated to sustain the honour of his country . Lord Ashburton was not unlike Moses in the " Vicar of Wakefield , " whose successful bargain ended in a case of shagreen spectacles . One of the first results in America of the treaty of Washington was the passing of a Bill to seize the Oregan territory—a plain effect of the want of upholding the dignity of Britain . He was not disposed to censure with severity the expression of Lord Ashburton , in terming Boston the " cradle of American liberty . " He rather rejoiced that the Americans appreciated the noble struggles of their forefathers ; but while he wished to see the bonds strengthened between the two countries , he did not think the treaty had done so .
Sir Robert Peel censured the conduct of Lords Palroenton and Russell , and their friends , in endeavouring to ruin the character of Lord Ashburton , who , actuated by the purest motives , had undertaken this difficult negotiation . Mr . Hume ' s support had not always been ao indifferent to the late Government Was it creditable to public men to pursue the course which had been followed by the Noble Lords ? The Government was taunted with violating precedent by adopting the motion ; but when Mr . Canning's policy with respect to Spain was questioned , he refused , contrary to his original intention , to permit the motion to be withdrawn without a definite expression of the opinion of the House . The question was sot . on the present occasion , about the firing up of a Madawaska settlement , or of a particular boundary ; it was one involving peace and war , on an Irritating dispute
which , in spite of negotiation , had lasted for half a century . As to the right of search , Lord Paimerston had authorised the capture of American vessels , which had produced so much excitement in the United States , and had rendered the question a difficult one ; and the convention in the treaty secured for five years the cooperation of « joint squadron on the coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave trade . He believed that the Oregon dispute would be settled ere long , as well as that of tbe right of search ; and , notwithstanding the efforts of individuals to excite animosities , he was satisfied that the Treaty of Washington would lead to relations of amity and good will between the two countries . He called en the House , therefore , viewing the difficulties which Lord Ashbarton had successfully overcome , to depart from ordinary precedent in passing the vote of thanks to the Noble Lord .
Lord Palmbrston said that the argument used by Sir Robert Peel , on the occasion of the former debate on this subject , was that if a vete of censure were moved , be would meet it with one of approbation . No vote of censure had been moved ; yet tbe unprecedented course was adopted of proposing a vote of thanks . He had shewn that the treaty involved a surrender of our rights , and was not advantageous to this country , bnt be would not now repeat his arguments . Tbe present Govern * ment were rather partial to following the example of the late one , but in doing so they frequently did not see the principle on which they aad proceeded , and therefore imitated them wrongly . The late Government had proposed a convential line for the settlement of the disputed boundary , and it would have been well
if it had been adopted as the batis of the treaty . He disclaimed all intention of insulting the American flag by using the phrase " a bit of bunting , " which had reference not to tbe flag of the Union , but to piratical and fraudulent attempts to sail under it ; and he explained the circumstances under which suspected American vessels bad been captured on the coast of Afrisa by our cruisers . It had been effected through a voluntary arrangement between the naval officers of both countries , but being disallowed by the American Government , was immediately stopped by his orders . But tbe Convention in the treaty of Washington , for joint co-operation between tbe squadrons of
the two countries , would not prove effectual for checking the slave trade . The Government had not stood up very manfully for their negotiator , in leaving him to the attentions of Mr . Hume : the principle on which he had proceeded , of concession for the sake of peace , had been repudiated by ao great a lover cf peace as Mr . Fox . Even admitting that the treaty of Washington was advantageous to the country , it remained to be shown that the merit was due to tbe negotiator , and then was no precedent for a vote of thanks to a diplomatist , which would lower the character of tbe House by dragging a majority through tbe dirt , in approbation of sn unwise and disadvantageous treaty .
Mr . Hume said a few words in reply . He did not think that any proceedings of bis would have so stirr&d up the Noble Lords ; and tbe spirit now evinced convinced him that , had they been in office , we should have been embroiled with America . On a division , the motion was carried by 238 against 96 .
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THE FACTORY BILL .
THE GOVERNMENT CONCESSIONS . On Monday evening , Sir Jakes Graham detailed to "the House" the alterations in the educational portion of the Factory Bill , which have , daring the recess , been determined on by the Ministry . As the subject is one of absorbing interest , no apology will be needed for making tbe readers of the Northern Star acquainted with the main of the alterations proposed .
In th « first place the Home Skcrktaby referred to the gross means of delusion that have been resorted to by the political dissenters to " get cp the steam " against tbe original measure ; tbe palpable frauds and lying misrepresentations of wbich they have been guilty . Tbe measure has been almost regularly and systematically argued upon , as though it was a first attempt to introduce the principle of" Compulsory Education ; " and this , too , by the very parties who hailed and supported , and even carried , Lord Althoep ' s Factory Regulation Act , which made it law
that 50 child ihould be permitted to work in a Foetory , unless the master saw to it that it regularly Attended school ! How well do we remember the glorifications in which the Whig ; press indulged , respecting this portion of Lord Althorf ' s measure , when it was first introduced J At that period the Ten Hours Agitation was at its height . A demand , almost unprecedented for Us urgency and unanimity , had been made upon the
Government , for the means of protecting the infant factory slave from a thraldom more oppressive , and more destructive to moral good and physical well-being , than tbe most direct and uncloaked Bystern of slavery ever seen . The simple protection asked for , was a forbidding of any owner of a factory to work his u hands" more than ten honrs a-day , it having been testified to , on oath , by the highest medical authorities in the world , that [ to attempt to work jonng per-
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Bons uader twenty-one years of age , more than ten hours % day , under the circumstances attendant upon factory labour , was to sacrifice health and sport with life ; and which testimony is to this day unoontradioted and nninvaltdated ! The answer to this plain and simple demand , on the part of the Whig Government , wag the Factory Act of Lord Althorf ' s , introducing the miBeryesgendering system of relays ; the obnoxious , and harassing , and expensive spy-system of Inspectorships ; a " Compulsory Education" for all children , as a qualification for work ; and the new fact ,
established by law , that young persons , thirteen years of age , are "free agents" and out of the custody or care of tbe Lord Chancellor ! And 0 ! what credit was taken to the Whigs for the preparation of this measure . It was declared that the " Ultra-Philanthropists , " as Oastlkr and Sadler were sneeringly called , were beaten hollow : that these parties , with their utmost stretch of compassion , had asked for the employment of children ten hours a day ; while the Whig Act prohibited their being employed more than eight : that the " philanthropists" had not even contemplated
the education of the objects of their commisseration and tender regard ; while the Whig Aot provided that they should have an education , before any master should be allowed to employ thorn . O ! how vauntingly this portion of the Althorpean scheme was but set forth 1 The regardjt displayed for the intellectual culture and moral welfare of the factory child , was pointed out , and sung in paeans loud and long . A comprehensiveness of scheme , and enlightened views to meet the requirements of the case , were discovered in the plan ; and praise was thickly bespattered upon its " statesman-like authors . "
From the moment of tbe passing of Althorp ' s Factory Act , in 1834 , to the present moment , has the principle of " Compulsory Education" been recognised aad enforced by law ; and yet , notwithstanding this notorious fact , the Dissenters have chosen to represent the New Factory Bill as endeavouring to introduce that principle ; and they have deluded their dupes into strong protestations and indignant denunciations against such an attempt ! The introduction and legislative enforcement of the " principle , " when proposed by Lord Althorp , is statesman-like and praiseworthy ; and the principle itself is legitimate and right : but an attempt to make that principle operative ; an attempt to secure an education , somewhat worthy of the name : an
attempt to put an end to " fire-hoile" schools , and M firing-up" masters , with scraps of the Leeds Mercury for books ; an attempt to provide day schools " efficiently conducted "for the destitute populations of Ashton , Staley bridge , and Oldham , where scarcely a single publio day school exists , amongst their tens ot thousands ot wealth-producers : an attempt to accomplish these things is yelled down as an attempt to introduce a " tyrannical principle ; " a ' principle violating the sacred relationship of parent and child ;" " a principle destroying all freedom , and interfering with natural rights f and yelled down , too , by those who have themselves established the very " principle" denounced , and taken honour and glory to themselves for having done so !
Having replied to the objection cunningly enough , but roguishly , started , that the New Bill had sought to introduce the principle of" compulsory education , " Sir James Graham detailed the nature and scope of the alterations he and his colleagues were prepared to make in the Government scheme . He first applied himself to the question of Sunday schools . He said : — " The first objection generally urged , and it is one with wbich the sympathy of a great part of the public , arises not so much from the intention of the clause relating to Sunday schools as from the effects likely , as
is supposed , to result from its wording . It has been described as a clause violating tbe right ef conscience , and compelling parents whose children are employed In factories to use the Sundsy schools established under this Act to the exclusion of all other Sunday schools . Now , I beg to state that it is my intention to exclude from the 57 th and 58 th clauses all the words relating to Sunday schools , and I shall also propose that the 69 tb clause shall be altogether omitted . In lieu of clause 60 , I shall propose to insert a clause providing that tbe master , or such other person as the clerical trustee may appoint , shall , at
such time as the said clerical master may direct , openly attend at such school to afford instruction according te the doctrines of the church of England , and shall give such instruction to all the children in attendance at such school whose parents may desire their attendance for the purpose of religious instruction of this character ; and further , this clause will enact that tbe said master shall , at least once on every Sunday , enforce tbe attendance of tbe children on divine worship in a church or chapel of tbe establishment , or at tke performance of divine worship in the school-house , if no church or chapel is convenient Tbe House will at once perceive , that the effect of this alteration will be that the schools will be open on the Sabbaththat the master will attend—and that , to the children
of all such parents as may desire it , instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the established church will be imparted . But , as I stated on a former occasion that . we recognised as a leading principle that until a child should be emancipated by age , the parent or guardian shall exercise his discretion as to that child ' s religious creed , we shall , acting in strict conformity with that principle , introduce a clause by which the child will be allowed to attend any Sunday-school such psrent or guardian shall prefer , and by which the parent will be left perfectly at liberty to choose any other in case he objects to the schools under this act I hope , therefore , that by these provisions any objections that may have been urged with respect to instruction at Sunday-schools will be entirely removed . "
A tremendous hubbub has been raised about the intention of the promoters of the New Bill , to " break up the Sunday Schools , " and get the children into the bands of the Church clergy and their teachers on the day set apart for hist , and not for instruction . From the above statement of the Home Secretary , it is evident , that if ever such an intention existed , it is now given up . Surely , after the above " concession , " we shall bear no more about " the attempt to put dowa 'our' Sunday Schools . "
For our own part , we think it would be a great good we&b thet put down : i . e ., were the necessity for their existence superseded . It is of itself an evidence of the most weighty and telling character against the aooursed THING , itself , that the only means of school education for the children of the poor should be the Sunday Schools , with all their narrow-minded , exclusive , and woefully imperfect arrangements . Were the parents of the children . in the position they ought to occupy ; had they their share of the manifold blessings arising from the abundant means we possess to produce an illimitable
amount of wealth ; they would not need to be dependent upon ostentatious fanatic "charily" for the education of their offspring in sectarianism and illibtrality ! The necessity that exists for Sunday Schools at all , is a Btrong condemnation of all our fiscal , political , and social arrangements . The Sabbath shopld B 8 a day of BEST . But there is no rest for the children of the poor . Toil all the week iB their portion ; and a sacrifice of the only time for recruiting exhausted worn-out nature , is demanded as the price for merely learning it to read , —
and to think , aad judge , and act illiberally towards all who do not belong to the w sect . " Whatever , therefor ? , will remove the necessity for tbe existence of Sunday Schools , will accomplish a great good , by removing a great evil . The working-day is the time for the schoolmaster to pursue his avocation . " The Sabbath commandment , commands to "keep holy ( wholly ) the Sabbath day . " In it we are to "do no manner of work ;" bnt "to REST from our labonrs . " There is not much hut in a Sunday School .
Let us not be mistaken , We do not decry Sunday Schools , as things are . They have been , and are , of immense use , notwithstanding all their imperfections , and all their sectarianism . They have taught hundreds of thousands to read , who otherwise would not have learned . When thus taught , they have been cast abroad into the wide world , to battle with the stern realities of life . The power to read has placed within their reach " materials for thinking . " Thought has been awakened and evolved ; and a conviction that man ' s injustice has " established" a system of selfishness and fraud , to which
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the ignorant and unreflecting have been subjected , has taken firm hold of the mind , and given birth to a holy determination to supersede the wrong by the establishment of right . Sunday Schools , poor , wretched things as they are , have had theii uses ; and good has resulted from them . It would be bnt a sorrowful reflection , however , to have to think that by their means alone are the masses of our population always to be instructed in the little they can alone teach ! The introduction of right principles into practice would soon supersede the necessity for Sunday Schools , and give every youthful member of society a scholastic course of education , physically , mentally , morally , and practically , such as the most favoured of our race do not even now enjoy !
The next ' concession" of the Government relates to the Certificates for school attendance . It is the law now , that no child shall be permitted to work in a factory , unless it attends some school ; but it leaves the master at liberty to let the school be of what nature or sort he pleases . It is from the latter cause that we have had the children sent into the " fire-hoile , " to say their " lessons" to the " firerup" of the engine boiler , their M lessons" being scraps of the Leeds Mercury newspaper , cut up for the purpose ; it is from that cause , that we have had these things practised , and dignified with the the name of t % schooling" and •* education . " The
new bill sought to put an end to such wioked mockeries . It provided that a certificate of attendance , either at a New District School , or at a School of the National Society , or a Sohool of the British and Foreign Sohool Society , or a Catholic School , or a Sohool attached to any factory provided by the master himself ; it provided that a certificate of weekly attendance at one or other of these schools ( stipulating that the four last should be " efficiently conducted " J Bhould be obtained by the factory master from the schoolmaster , before he was at liberty to employ any child . An alteration in this particular is proposed . The Home Secretary said : —
"On this point , I propose to introduce an alteration into clauses 16 , 17 , and 18 , and also propose entirely to omit clauses 71 , 72 , 73 , and 74 . In lieu of these I propose to introduce a clause that will enable the masters of all schools in the district to grant certificates of the attendance of the children , Bubject only to this condition , that all such schools shall be under tbe superintendence of an inspector appointed by tbe Committee of tbe Privy Council , without any other sanction or control , and with regard to tbe character of the Instruction , only insisting tbat in the course of such instruction the authorised
version of tbe Scriptures shall be used . With respect to Wesleyan schools or to those of Protestant Dissenters generally , this clause , will be unnecessary ; but it is desirable , in order to provide for the cases of certain Roman Catholic schools at whloh Protestant children may attend , and also it is necessary to provide against a Roman Catholic master compelling the attendance of Protestant children at any private school within his factory , and there instructing those children iu religious knowledge , 1 b the absence of the authorized version of the Scriptures . "
The power to grant certificates of school attendance is to be extended to all schoolmasters in the factory districts , who submit to place their schools under the superintendence of an Inspector appointed by the Committee of Privy Council , and who use the authorised version of the Scriptures in tbe course of instruction . This " concession" meets many difficulties , and many objections , that have been started . The charge that it was intended to get all the children to the New District Schools , to be taught Puseyism by the Church parson , is now no longer tenable , even in appearanoe .
The child may be sent to any school so superintended , and so conducted ; and certainly , if Inspection is necessary , % ad if the use of the Scriptures as a class book is not to be dispensed with , we cannot see what objection can be urged against the provisions of the Bill , as now proposed . The world knows something of the utter inefficiency of much of what is now dignified by tke name of " school education . " They know that the keeping of a school is a walk" of life in not very high estimation ; and that it is generally resorted to by the unfortunate and the disabled , with no other qualification for the task than that they are
unable to obtain a miserable livelihood by any other means . " Do you teach morals to the young people under your charge V was the question put by some inquirers into the statistics of " sohool education" to the conductor of an " establishment" for the teaching and training of youth . " La , Sir , " was the answer , who could afford to teach them for twopence a-week "! If benefit is to be secured to the attenders upon " all fCHOOLS , " in the major portion of them a far different system from that hitherto pursued will have to obtain : for it is a fact that the major portion of the " masters" are as deficient of all mental and moral qualifications for the task they have assumed , as the poor children are of that wbich they go to school , but go in vain , to
learn . Should , therefore , improved methods of tuition , and a natural course of treatment to the children placed in the hands of the "educator , " follow from giving " all schools" tbe power to grant certificates of sohool attendance , by being placed under the superintendence of the Inspector , it will be one benefit resulting from the system of " Inspection" which we have hardly any right to expect from such an obnoxious mode of proceeding . The system , however , is one of Whig origin : and , therefore , the Dissenters cannot with any show of justice complain , seeing that they were the strenuous supporters of the " principle" when it was first sought to be introduced in connection with factory children . The next alteration was announced in these
terms : — " T ^ e House will observe tbat I have now removed tbe difficulty with regard to Sunday schools * and that with respect to day-schools I have provided for the free granting of certificates , subject only to the inspection of the schools by the Inspector authorised and appointed by the Committee of the Privy Council . I will now go en to notice tbe third class of objections , for which I shall also endeavour to provide a remedy . I propose to alter clauses 57 , 58 , and 69 . It is objected , tbat as instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the Established Church may be siven at any period of the Bcbool hours , tbe imparting of such instruction
may interrupt tbe education of the children of thote Dissenttr * who attend ; aud that it must consequently ensue either that those childrea will lose the benefit * of the education afforded , ot that attempts will be made to instil the particular doctrines and catechism of the Established Church into the minds of those who dissent from its principle * We shall provide , in order to meet these objections , tbat instruction in the catechism and doctrines of the church shall be afforded during one hour out of tbe three of each of tbe five days on which tbe children are to attend the schools ; but we shall also provide that that hour shall be appointed by the masters , and that it shall be either the first or the last
of the three hours . ( Hear , hear . ) Further , we shall provide that instruction in this branch shall be given to the children of churchmen in a elass held in a room apart from the school-room , and separate from tbat In which the children of those Dissenting parents who may object to the edusation of their children in the cburah doctrines receive instruction . Then we shall take a precaution with regard to a matter on which the Kigbt Hon . Gentleman , tbe Member for Devonport , urged some objections the other night , —I mean with respect to the character of the books to be used . As
tbe bill stands it is in tbe power ot the clerical trustee to make tbe selection , and of coarse it is to be ex-1 pected that every such trustee will select according to his own peculiar tenets . To obviate tbe difficulty we shall provide that the selections shall be made by the two archbishops . We shall also provide tbat no Inspector shall inquire into the character of the religious instruction imparted , unless be shall receive express authority to do s » from one of the archbishops , or from tbe bishop of the diocese . This , the House will observe , will prevent all inquiry into the special religious instruction afforded . "
On this we have not , at present , any thing to say . It will be better to wait , a » d see how it is met and received by the rtHgious portions of the community , who object to mere secular education , and insist on the priest interfering with the functions of the schoolmarter , to impart religions instruction ; but who cannot agree at to what is religious instruction , and who , in their bitter quarrela and disgraceful contests on the point , evince that they are possessed ^ of no religion at all ! but that its place is occupied by furious fanaticism and intolerant bigotry . Sir James Graham proceeded : —
" I now come to another point . la clause 69 it is provided , tbat if the parent of any scholar shall certify to tl e master or trustees that be desires that such scholar , on the ground of religious objections , may not be present st the periods when such catechism or por-
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tions of the liturgy are taught , it shall not be lawful for any person t « compel such child to be present at such periods . ' An objection has been taken to this clause , because of the introduction of the words ' on the ground of religious objection , ' it being thought invidious to compel a parent to state what may be the grounds of the objection he entertains . I shall propose , therefore , to omit these words , and it will consequently be competent for a parent , without assigning any reason , simply to state that he objects . Besides this , I propose specifically to enact , that during the hour in which religious instruction is afforded , which , as I said before , may be either the first or the last hour of the three , provision shall be made by the trustees that the children cf
Dissenters shall receive instruction in some branch of knowledge taught in the schools . But although . we make all these provisions , we do not think them sufficient to meet ail the objections urged . The precautions I have stated I believe to be ample against any attempt to introduce a proselyting spirit ; but althougk we have taken these precautions—although we have provided that education iu tbe catechism and liturgy of tbe church should be afforded in a separate room and at a fixed hour—still we think that these precautions fall short of all that tbe necessities of tbe case require . Excepting on Sundays , no provision is made for the education of Dissenters in the peculiar religious creeds they may profess . This is an important point . I propose to
introduce a clause to provide tor it . I propose that children of Dissenters shall have instruction in the creed of their parents for a time exactly equal te those of children brought up in the doctrines ef the establishment This instruction will , of course , be afc the discretion of the parent . As the case now stands the Sunday is provided for—that day is at the disposal ot every parent to provide as he pleases for the education of his child . Daring tbe afternoon of Saturday it is also competent for him to provide for the special religious instruction his chiid is to receive ; but something more is wanting , and we therefore propose to enact that the trustees shall appoint a day in each week in wbich any scholar whose parent desires that his child should not be present when the Catechism and Liturgy of the
Established Church are taught may receive religious instruction from a licensed minister of any congregation at which such parent attends divine worship , and tbat such scholar shall attend to receive such instruction at such time as the parent may notify to the trustee that tbe minister will attend to impart it , and at any convenient place other than the sohool-bouse itself . ( Hear . ) Now then , Sir , I think I may say that everything has been done that I and my colleagues could devise to meet the several objections which have been taken to tbe religious instruction of the scholars . I hope and believe that we have met the difficulties of the ease with that candour and firmness wbich was required , and I am quite sure that the object of our regard has been to secure the instruction of Dissenters , as well as of other classes of her Majesty ' s subjects . "
This , too , is a matter which does not call for observation at the present . It concerns the " unco guid" more than any one else . Upon the provisions as they originally stood the " fighting I sects" have been meat condemnatory and most severe . Let us see how they receive the " concession" here offered to them . We next come to the proposed alteration in The TBDSt , lfor the governance of the new District Schools . This is the whole question . If the Trust be a popular one , and unobjectionable in its nature , the government of the schools , and the nature of the instruction imparted will be all that they require to be . But if the Trust be viciously constituted , it must follow that their arrangements will be vicious also . Here are the alterations proposed : —
" I will now offer to the House an explanation of the course which I propose to take with regard to the constitution of the trust . The clauses iu the Bill which relate te tbe appointment and powers of the trustees of the school are to be omitted entirely . I allude to clauses 52 , 53 , and 65 of the Bill as it now stands , and we introduce new clauses , wbich will give an entirely new character to tbat part of tbe Bill . It is the intention to adhere to that part of the Bill wbich enacts , that when the scboel shall' be intended for a place for which there shall be only one officiating minister , such minister and the other trustees shall be the trustees of the school , the minister being termed the clerical trustee . When there shall be more than two or
more ministers officiating in any such place , or when the school shall be intended for two or more districts , the bishop of the diocese within that district from time to time shall appoint from such ministers , or from the ministers officiating in such districts , one to be a clerical trustee of the school , and the clerical trustee will have the power , in writing , of appointing some person , beisg a churchwarden iu the place where the tchool it erected , or being a person qualified to act as a trustee , to be one of tbe trustee of the school . I propose also , tbat a portion of the trustees shall be elected trustees . I will now state to tbe House what alterations tbe Government intend to introduce on this point . I propose to enact , that when there shall be
any number of persons , not less than twenty , who shall each have voluntarily subscribed a donation of £ 10 at the least , in one sum , towards the expenditure in the maintenance of the school in any one of three years immediately preceding any election , or tbe sum of £ l for the two successive years immediately preceding any election , or one of whom shall have given a site for the school , the returning officer shall have the power to summon a meeting of such subscribers , and such subscribers and donors present are to elect one er more qualified persons to be a trustees of tbe said school . It will be expected that I should now state to the House the qualification of the trustee : — 'That any person being assessed to the current poor-rate of any
place wholly or partly within the district of the said school , in respect of property situated within such district , and whose assessment is among tbe first third of the assessments arranged according to tbe amounts of rental from the highest to the lowest , any person being usually resident within five miles of tbe school who shall have given the site thereof , or one-tenth part of the entire original cost of the school buildings , or shall have given a sum of £ 20 at tbe least towards tbe expenditure in tbe maintenance of tbe school during any one of tbe three immediately preceding years , or shall have subscribed tbe sum of £ 2 at tbe least thereto for two successive years immediately preceding the publication of the notice of the said election , shall be
qualified to be a trustee . provided that where any firm or partnership shall be assessed , the amount of the- assessment shall be divided fey tbe number of persons whose names shall be expressed in the rate , and each of such persons shall be deemed to be assessed at tbe amount assigned to him by such division , and no person shall be deemed to bo qualified ia respect of tbe assessment whose name is not set forth on the said rate . ' These are the qualifications which I intend to propose with reference to the trustees . The House will observe that I have now mentioned three out of the seven trustees . It is my intention to albere to the originally proposed number of trustees , viz . seven . One Is to be the clerical trustee , one is to be selected by the
officiating minister , and one to be elected by tbe donora . After this the remaining four more trustees are to be elected . In the bill as it stands it is enacted that the means of erecting the school , and other expences connected with its efficiency and maintenance , are to be provided out of the poor rate . Tbe Government thought it but fair and just that the ratepayers should have a considerable voice in tbe selection of the trustees—( load cheers ) . It is intended to propose that tbe four remaining trustees , to which I have previously alluded , shall be elected by the rate payers assembled—( cheers ) Tbe clause is as follows : — " That four persons , qualified as hereinafter provided , shall be elected by the persons who shall have been assessed to tbe poor-rates in any part of the place to which the said school shall be assigned for a period of not less than twelve months
previous to the day of publication of the notice of the election , on lauds , tenements , or hereditaments , of the net annual value of £ 10 and upwards , to act as trustees jointly with the trustees hereinbefore provided ; and any rate-payer qualified te vote in the election of such trustees may put in nomination at such election all or any of tbe requisite number ef persons qualified as herein provided . ' Whatever may be the predominating influence in the district , whether that influence be in accordance with the Established Church or with Dissenting principles—whether it fall on tke right hand or en the left , it was resolved that the minority ( as we understood the Right Hod . Baronet ) should be represented . No ratepayer shall vote for more than two trustees , and the minority in every case will elect two . "
This " concession" is net sufficient . Thk Tbust so constituted will not operate for good . It is not popular . How easy this thing could have been managed had the Government dared to have applied correct principles . They come to the ratepayers for money to Bupport the schools : they should have given the ratepayers the controul over the expenditure of the money . Had they done so , the way would have been clear of difficulties . But classinterests interfere . There is the Church , with all her pretensions and assumptions , compelled to seek the strong arm of the law to uphold them , having lost her hold of the affections and judgment of the
people ; and who , therefore , muBt be propitiated by making her Pargons e * officio heads of Thb Tbust : and there are , on the other hand , the hungry and aspiring hordes of Dissenters yelling and clamouring against Mothes Church , denouncing her for her intolerance and unjust assumption of power and positisn , while they are merely seeking to occupy her place ! Were this not so , they would seek to enforce tho principles of religious liberty and universal toleration , about which they so glibly prattle . Were this not so , they would seek to place the " dominant sect" on an equality with the rest , and leave each to the good sense and active support of their reppectivej > dherents . Were this not so , thej
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would not content themselves with annual exht tions of virtuous indignation against Church rJ ^ and seek to set the mark of public odium upon putf cular Ministers of the Church , while they resist wift all their might , the only measure that would rend Church Rates unnecessary , or which could , by J ? possibility , get rid of compulsory payments for tk ! offices of objected-to-religion . Were the Dissenter . honest ; were not each " sect" seeking by unworn means to take the place of the now " dominant sect' ' and thus enjoy and wield the power they now ^ much decry ; were not this the case , we should h .
them pursuing a far more open and strai ght forvrjii course from that they do pursue . We should ha » them avowedly and energetically seeking forta abrogation of the u incestuous union" be tween Church and State ! As long as there is an Est » k lished Church , it is right that compulsory payment should be enforced . And as long as we haya " dominant sect" recognised by law , it canno t bat be expected but tbat the " lawful" claims of awi . " sect" will be maintained . The oaiy way to set aside the one , and abrogate the other , is to " cot tfc connection altogether" !
The Tb 0 st will not do ! There is in its constib . tion s union of suoh opposite principles , as mast of necessity , lead to inharmonious action . The Parson . an ex-officio heap , with a power in himself to choogj another to act as his eoho . Another trustee to be chosen by the donors to the school ; and the remiij . ing four elected by those rate-payers who are assesud to the Poor Rate at Ten Pounds and upwardi ! What a monstrosity ! A union of all the woast pot tions of bad principles ! Even in the attempt ia
" popularize" Thb Tbust , by a pretended election bi the Rate-payers , the Tory parties who are nuialj interested in the question are shut out from all eon . troul ! Whose children are they who need the e < fo . cation sought for I The children of Ten Pourf Rate-payers ! or tbe children of the poor ! Thea why are the poor rate-payers to be denied the privf lego of voting for the four elected trustees ? View it in whatever light we may , the professed constitution of The Tbust is vicious and bad .
See how simply the object might be accomplished without injury or favour to any . Let the rite payers in Vestry assembled return annually a list say of twenty-one names , from which the Magistrates in Sessions assembled , shall select the seven required , What more would be needed ? What more simple ! What more satisfactory ? The beard so constituted could appoint the instructor , and make all tke arrangements for the school . If these were inpwfecfc or bad , the remedy would be in the hands of those whose money was wasted , and in the hands of those whose children were deprived of the instruction pnrchased . Abuses would soon be rectified .
Had those who have raised the loud clamosi against the education clauses of the Factory Bill been sincere in their expressed desire to secure for the children of the poor an " education" at all , they would have sought to have accomplished a chuge in . The Teust of the nature here indicated , instead of seeking to defeat the measure altogether . The fact that they have so sought to overturn the only approximation to a measure of National Education ever proposed , instead of seeking to reconcile exist ing differences , and to make it acceptable to all , is at once a self-evident proof that each religions " sect" dreads education , unless it can exeicise over it undisputed and absolute control ! Proselytism is what eaoh seeks !
These , then , are the main of tbe alterations pro * posed . Whether they will be satisfactory or not to the Dissenters remains to be seen . We deem Thb Tkust to be far from satisfactory , for the reasons just adduced . And yet , so anxious are we to hare the children of the poor " educated , " and that , too , in other than Sunday Schools , that we would gladly prefer the Bill passed , in its present altered state , to no Bill at all . With those who wish to defeat the attempt to compel the rich to proride education for the poor , we hold no sympathy . With an ignorant population society cannot be safe . Nor are we justified in subjecting the poor to
intosant toil to procure for others tbe means of luxurious enjoyment , and doom the offspring of their loins to mental blindness and intellectual destitution . E ? e 7 child has a claim to be taught . Society kas an interest in teeing that it is taught , — -and taught aright too , as far as all known knowledge goes , and as far as moral and social obligations are concerned . Anj attempt to embody this principle will find Bupport from us . Nay , we shall be disposed topuUpfltth many imperfeciions and short-comings , in its first application , for the sake of the " principle" itself . Once introduced , it will make its own way ; u < f the errors ia practice will be removed .
Should the present measure be overturned , we shall have another blessikg to thank religion bigotry for ! The children of the poor are enveloped in gross ignorance , and mental darkness . E TCI 7 attempt to enlighten their minds , and cultivate their understandings , is opposed by religions sectarianism and intolerant fauaiicism ! The Minister proposed to set apart from the £ 60 , 006 , 000 a-jear wrung at the point of the bayonet from the toil of the producing olassesj a paltry £ 30 , 000 ia aid of the education of those who are uneducated , foeflwe uwur means have been absorbed in the way just pointed out ; and the proposal was met with a yell of execration from the " dominant sect" aHd the Wes
leyan body . The Minister proposes an approximation to a national system of education ; and a clamour is raised by the discordant sects against the schenie itself , under the / alse pretence that they are opposing an unjust bestowment of power upon their al re » oj too formidable rival . And thus because of sectarian quarrelling aud bitter religious differences , the people a = e to " perish for lack of knowledge" !! Sir James Graham , in concluding his announcement of the alterations , aptly said : —
" The great Author of religion and of faith has left on record a test by which wo are able to kno * N * true followers . It is said , By " this shall all men know whether you are my disciples , if you love one another . ' In the early periods cf the history ot u » Christian world tbe bond of union was cement * h ° * martyrdom , and by every kind of suffering to wn *~ those men were exposed . The remark was , ' See now these Christians love one another ; ' but in our own a * 7 the Bceptic . the scoffer , and the infidel , « e ready w exclaim , « See how these Christians hate one another . The saying is not confined to the sceptic or the scoffer ! It is truly no scoff to say it ' ¦ The " Christians" do hate one another : and because of &&
hatred , the children are to be deprived of the privilege of having the door of unders tanding unlock ed » and knowledge and wisdom are to be a sealed boot to them 1 Out upon ye 1 ye vile hypocrites , tM » stand in the way of mental light I
The Noethekif Star. Saturday, May 6, 1843.
THE NOETHEKIf STAR . SATURDAY , MAY 6 , 1843 .
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I Shocking Accident . —Lass Friday morning , about j seven o ' clock , a frightful and fatal accident occurred ' at the Lancaster railway station , to James Witham , ' a porter in the employ of Messrs . Hargreaves and Co . general carriers . It appears that he was assisting in the removal of some luggage waggons , slowly | propelled by one of the engines , and , whilst ia the . act of steppiDg between two of them for the pur- ! posp of u nhookisg them in order to divide the train , ' was caught between their " buffers , " and so dread-, fully crushed , that , after lirjgeringin great agony for ' about three hours , death terminated his sufferings , j —Lancaster Guardian .
UifjcsT Weighing Machine . —At the borough Court , BoltoD , on Monday last Agnes Rathbone , keeper of a public weighing machine , in Black Horsestreet , was fined 5 s and expenses , on the information of Mr . Fogg , inspector . The machine , at t « n hundred-weight , was deficient a quarter of a hundred-weight , and at thirty hundred-weight , one hundred-weight . Pardon of Wilson Rocket . —A free pardon was received on Friday week on behalf of Wilson Rocket , who was confined at the Castle under a sentence of transportation for life , for a burglary at Huntington . The intelligence as conveyed in a letter to R . H . Anderson , Esq ., the attorney for the prosecution , —and the pardon appears to have been granted solely from the report which the Secretary of State has received from Mr . Justice Coltroan .
Sheep at Wablefietd . —On Wednesday week , at Wakefield cattle market , there were the extraordinary number of between eight and nine thousand sheep for sale . There were a thousand more than the pens would hold . A large quantity remained unsold . Tbe prices fetched were from 3 | d to 4 d per pound for mutton . Lambs sold at I 83 to 21 s per head .
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WORKINGS OF THB SYSTEM . THE NOTTINGHAM LACE TRADE . The Report of the Commissioners appointed ^ enquire into the condition of the youthful mana ~^ turing population of these kingdoms is a * frightful document ! It has brought out m ™" ;^ of the infernal money-grubbing system under wa we lire , that make the flesh creep «* « J blood curdle , and the whole man blush to 0 " **" race . With some of the horrors of ciuww » employed in coal mines and in factories , oar re * o have become to some extent acquainted ; w » half is not yet told them . The treatment of wj Midland Counties equals if not exceeds all that been said of these pandemonia . We give « IseWl Tj an article from tbe Txmes , in reference to matter , to which we refer our reader * , and son * their attention for it . It is exceeding ly moderate » its tone ; and yet holds up a picture which hamaw 7 may well blush to oonttroplate . The article , we sefl ' is to be continued . We shall most probably gi « the continuation : or , if not , revert to the subjec , and have something of our own to say vP °
3smpm'ai $ 9arliam*Nt
3 Smpm aI $ 9 arliam * nt
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A THE NORTHERN STAR . :
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 6, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct932/page/4/
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