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ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN ITALY. (From a Cor...
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THE SARDINIAN STATES; THEIIt mSTOIVY, CI...
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* Farini, whom no ono will accuse of dom...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The National Thanksgiving. There Is A Mo...
can we possibly , as a nation , attain the suceeaB ,-, or render the-thaaks ? We . said there was a moral to be learned from the fragmentary-burlesque ' at a national celebration on Sunday next . Probably , and we-fully'expect it , mo & t sects will join in the celebration of that day ; the instincts of the nation will be too strong for its polemics . In essentials the religious feeling of the country is right —it will be one in the main ; and if the ministers of religion knew howito appeal to those fundamental feelings which constitute a real communion in
religion , we might begin to see sects melt into each other , and organise in something like a national church . Then we might hare national ministers leading the people to pay a national tribute of thanks—but that is a celebration which we must speak of as belonging to the time ¦ when we are to possess " the Church of the Future . "
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England And France In Italy. (From A Cor...
ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN ITALY . ( From a Correspondent . ") The principle has been invariably maintained by the Leader , that the moral support afforded by the friends of Italy to the cause of her independence gives them no right to interfere in the Italian question , and that it would be unjust and indiscreet to intrude -whore intrusion would only obstruct the spontaneous action of the Italian people . This principle , however , -is not likely to Tule the policy of France ; for that power , while contending against the usurpation of Russia , aspires to be the armed reviewer of every
European State , and the general censor of dynasties and constitutions . Italy in former times did not escape such intervention , nor to all appearance will she be spared in . the future . England herself has twice endeavoured to implant her institutions in the Peninsula , first , _ in the South , where she failed through the infamous duplicity of the Bourbons , and afterwards in Piedmont , where her influence has produced the most happy results . Her exertions ,, however , would have been far more effective had she not , in 1848 , professed a sort of political cynism , and
remained indifferent , while the trench Government suppressed the rising freedom of Central Italy , and , by giving aid to the despotic governments of the peninsula , caused a European reaction which prepared the -way for Louis Napoleon ' s coup d ' etat . England accepted the fact , while the means employed by that ruler to obtain power became an example to those continental states , which , since the first French revolution , have received their political tone from France . Thus , while Piedmont , as a singular and praiseworthy exception , adopted the English constitution as her model , the other Italian Governments looked up
to the despotism of Napoleon III . France and England at that time acted separately in diplomatic , as well as in military affairs : they are now united ; but is it probable that they will act together in Italy ? Great Britain is cordially sustaining Piedmont . The English people entertain a deep respect and sympathy for the loyalty displayed both by king and subjects in that Italian state . On that point there is no difference of opinion . The premier only expressed tho general feeling , when ho said at Melbourne that , remembering the important part played by Holland , by Venice , by Genoa , smaller states territorially than the kingdom of Sardinia , wo are justified in expecting that Sardinia will exercise no inconsiderable influence on tho destinies of tho world . At tho same time
it is notorious that these arc not tho opinions of official France ; we all know that the services of the Sardinians in tho Crimea have been disparaged , or passed over in silence by tho French governmental journals . Ifc is evident that the free press of Piedmont causes . uneasiness to tho _ French pespot , who cannot forget that the Italian Hag which Victor Emmanuel may ono day unfurl bears two words which ho would gladly obliterate from the dictionaries of ovory language— Liberty and Nationality . " While , therefore , England would gladly behold Piedmont taking a leading part in an Italian war , Napoleon would regard such a catastrophe m an obstacle to his plans , and a menace to hie system—a system connected by Sympathy with the Austriahs , both having been
founded in the slaughter of the people , the violation of the most solemn oaths , the destruction-of all free institutions , - and -the annihilation of the thought and genius of a rotation numbering forty millions of inhabitants . In-Louis'Nap © leonvwehave-a man of unbounded ambition . Among tire many vast pr < sgeets comprised in the Idees Napole ® nnieTmes" is a declaration of Napoleon I ., wbichiNapoleon III . repeated at Marseilles during thefirst days of his empire , " The day must come when the Mediterranean must be a French lake . " Italy must be the startingpoint to the realisation , of this dream , and whoever in this country has care & lly studied the question of the Holy Places , the dissensions of the two ambassadors at Constantinople with regard to the
Suez Canal , the gradual progress of French influence in the East , and of ( French policy in Central and Southern Italy , will see' that Napoleon is a man who has a fixed object in view , and will try to hit straight to his mark . The position of Italy in the very centre of the Mediterranean , her numerous harbours , her immense resources , as yet undeveloped , added to the natural energy of her inhabitants , point her out as the future stronghold of that inland ocean . The Adriatic , the Archipelago , the coasts of Asia and of Africa , are all within a short distance of Italy ; and it would require no Marco Polo , Columbus , or Vespucci , to revive the spirit of the sailors of Venice , Genoa , and Amalfi , and renew the commerce of those cities with the ancient marts of the world . The
people of Italy still remember the past , and this alone is an omen of their future greatness . We at least cannot be more jealous of Italian competition than of Austrian preponderance . But how will matters stand if Italy , or even a part of Italy , be allowed to form a French province ? Italy , deprived of liberty and independence , would be but a star in the French crown , an instrument to promote French influence . Dangerous to the world , useless to herself , she would serve but to gratify the immoral ambition of a foreigner . We fear that smeh a question may ultimately arise . No one can fail to foresee in the coming and inevitable struggle of Italy a cause of distrust and coldness between the Allied Powers .
France and England could never agree upon this subject , unless they left Italy to herself , and permitted her people to fight their own battles . Unfortunately , the course adopted by Napoleon in Rome in 1849 , and by Murat at the present time , prevents our standing aloof . At this very moment , while the propagandised of the Murat party is at work throughout the Neapolitan kingdom , an English fleet is stationed . before Naples . Will it co-operate to deliver the Neapolitans from their tyrant ? We think not ; and for many sound reasons . Nevertheless , the people of both countries unanimously denounce the atrocities committed by King Bomba and his sbirri ; but , as there is no unity of views between the two
Governments , there can be no common understanding as to the course thoy shall adopt . The French Government , by prohibiting the circulation of Murat ' s pamphlets in Franco , of course denies all connexion with his party ; accordingly , some semi-official French papers affect simplicity and astonishment at the departure of English vessels without having previously communicated with the foreign Minister of Napoleon ; the more so , they say , as tho voyage of a French fleet from Toulon or Marseilles would have saved us further trouble . We have to deal with an ally who keeps his own counsel : but wo must remember he has deceived the people and broken his solemn oaths , and therefore his sincerity can only be trusted so far as our interests naay bo in accordance with his own .
The Sardinian States; Theiit Mstoivy, Ci...
THE SARDINIAN STATES ; THEIIt mSTOIVY , CIOVEKNBIKNT , AND LAWS . ( From a Correspondent . ) " In Itulitt non manca rnatoriu da introdurvi ogni forma . Qin o virtu gmndo nolle inombra quando la non manensso no' capi . "—Maciiiavklli . Given tho kingly prerogatives of tho timehonoured house of Savoy , the democratic traditions and republican institutions of Nice and Genoa , to find a free progressive people , with a liberal representative government , in these revolutionary times . This problem , pregnant with importance to Italy , and interesting to all who desire her national independence , has been solved by Piedmont .
Maurienne , a small province in * Savoy , -was , 'eight centuries . ago , thenucleus , round which a race of princes ofi pure'Italian blood , have formed . »( kingdom th at now extends over nearly , ^ fourth of the peninsula , including the duchies of Savoy and Genoa , tiie counties of Piedmont and . Nice , together with the Island of Sardinia , one of the most valuable possessions in the Mediterranean . The people of these states , thou gh' planted in the very centre of the factions that have deluged France , Spain , Germany , and the rest of Italy , often the battle-field and victims of these factions , have for centuries kept their footing , and now bid fair to become one of the freest and most enlightened nations of Europe .
The Piedmontese , standing up boldly between France and the unwieldy ^ dominions of Austria , do in deed , if notin word , profess , " We ate Italians , self-governed , self-sustained ; we challenge those who , on the plea of our national incapacity for government , condemn us to foreign rule , to come and see what Piedmont slowly and silently has achieved , and before sneering at our laws and institutions , to prove wherein they are deficient of those elements and princi p les that conduce to a nation ' s welfare . Let any impartial judge , be lie a constitutionalist or republican , go to Piedmont , go among the people , he -will find the subjects of
Victor Emmanuel devoted to their king . They say , ' Our king keeps his word . Where he promises he fulfils his promise . ' He will find exiles from the other states forming companies for the prosecution of railways , ship-ways , & c . ; they will say , ' Our money and our energy find safe investment in Piedmont . The king has pledged himself not to interfere , and we know that we can carry on our enterprises without let or hindrance . ' Men who have spent their lives in efforts for the national independence of Italy honour the Piedmontese Government . Garibaldi , who has fought for liberty in the old world and the new , ever since his hand could wield a sword , invariably ,
in writing or talking of his country , speaks of Piedmont as the " bulwark of Italian nationality and independence . " He proves his attachment by remaining there , and accepting the modest command of the steamers running between Genoa and Sardinia . Manin , the brave defender of Venice during the fourteen months that she held out against the Austrians , after every other city had surrendered ; Manin , whom historians * and patriots of every creed agree to honour , writes from Paris ( of course no Paris papers can publish a sentiment so contrary to the wishes of the " Oracle of Versailles ") , " If regenerated Italy is to have a king , there is but one possible ., and that is the King of Piedmont . "
Since , therefore , Italians look to Piedmontas their stronghold ( in addition to the interests which all England must feel in her affairs since her sons are linked to ours by the stern chain of war ) , this country assumes a peculiar importance to those who feel that Austria ' s sway in Italy is at least as infamous and unjust as Russia ' s pretensions in Turkey . To discover wherein lays tho strength of Piedmont ; by what means she has attained to her present prosperity ; how , instead of falling a prey to discordant , monarchical , and democratic elements , she has blended and made them a check one upon the other , is the task that we propose to ourselves .
The history of the States of Sardinia may be divided into two parts . The wars of Charles V . and Francis I ., when nearly all the possessions of the House of Savoy wore annexed to France , forms the break between them . It may be urged that the former period can possess but little interest or importance if separated from the history of the other states of Italy . This is true in a measure ; but as each of tho
* Farini, Whom No Ono Will Accuse Of Dom...
* Farini , whom no ono will accuse of domocratlc tendencies , haa the following : " Tho virtue and patriotism of those illustrious men , Manin and Sommasce , gave an example to the turbulent swarms in other Italian cities . Thoy abstained from ovory proceeding which could cause public excitement , or embitter the strife of factions . Yet more honourable was this , that when Vonico had afresh assorted herself a republic , after the national diaastera in Upper Italy ; when « ho waa seeking to keep heraelf safe from the Austrian Invasion ; and when Manin had again ri « m to the seat of po ^ er , ho followed a courae so tempered £ * 8 ™ *> p . 8 G 1 , Gladstone ' s Translation . )
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 29, 1855, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_29091855/page/15/
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